PROCESO — WEEKLY NEWS BULLETINEL SALVADOR, C.A.

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     Proceso is published weekly in Spanish by the Center for Information, Documentation and Research Support (CIDAI) of the Central American University (UCA) of El Salvador. Portions are sent in English to the *reg.elsalvador* conference of PeaceNet in the USA and may be forwarded or copied to other networks and electronic mailing lists. Please make sure to mention Proceso when quoting from this publication.

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Proceso 1104
June 30, 2004
ISSN 0259-9864
 
 

INDEX




Editorial: A difficult situation for the FMLN

Politics: The FMLN does not keep up the pace

Economy: The creation of a new agricultural policy

 
 
Editorial


A difficult situation for the FMLN

 

To say that the FMLN has not been able to overcome the impact of the electoral defeat of last March is to speak about something that has been discussed thousands of times already. However, it is important to insist about the same issue once again because this fact is an indicator that the left wing lacks the ability to face its own demons. This is the ghost of the internal renovation issue. The word “renovation” has not only been used with distorted purposes –mostly associated with disputes for power-, it has also been demonized. This situation has prevented the traditional leaders from developing the necessary transformations inside the FMLN. It cannot be denied that the FMLN has changed since the times when it was just a guerrilla, until it transformed itself into a political party. However, those changes have not been enough. The changes inside the party have been due to certain circumstances that have forced its members to pay attention to their problems, and not because they are conscious that it is necessary to examine the foundations of their organization and their ideology.

The favorable conjunctions have made the traditional leaders believe that it is not necessary to redefine or renovate the FMLN, that is why some of its followers have not been able to defend their positions. The unfavorable conjunctions have created the possibility to bring a breath of fresh air into the party. However, those who do not think that it is necessary to make several transformations, far from favoring a new way to conduct the party, have closed its ranks and have defended their positions and the power that sustains them. This has been the story of the FMLN since 1992 to this day, and that is why the expulsions, the departures, and the divisions have been a constant for this political party. The present situation of the FMLN is one more chapter in this endless coming and going of the resistance and the desire to change, where sometimes the good purposes end-up mixed with the low and dishonest ambitions.

Next to the renovation ghost, there is the identity ghost of the FMLN. At this point, it is not quite clear yet what is the FMLN –or what is its offer to society- in ideological terms. All that it is known is that the party’s statutes speak about Socialism, revolution, and democracy. However, they do not have an approach able to articulate this aspects in order to turn them into a practical set of orientation criteria for the foundation of this political organization and all of its levels. As it is only natural, this cannot be done without a debate, without discussing the different perspectives of its members. This cannot be done overnight, under the everyday pressure, or as an answer to the public opinion. It takes time and a strong set of convictions around a common purpose: to shape the party at the height of the present needs of the Salvadoran society.

Once this task is completed, which is certainly not easy, it would be necessary to design a proposal for a governmental administration; the point is to become an option, a viable and a realistic political option.

Without the ideological light, there cannot be any light in the proposals. The most that they can achieve without the ideological light is an isolated group of principles, a list of political recipes to respond to the electoral conjunctions and the ambiguous behaviors, a mixture of radicalism and condescension. The result will be a party without an identity, without a project, and without credibility (or with a vulnerable credibility that goes up or down accordingly to the conjunctions).

That is what the FMLN is, not as a result of the electoral defeat, but as a result of its incapacity –the incapacity of the historical leaders- to undertake with a serious attitude the challenges of a complex society, a changing society of the 21st century. To shape the party in accordance with those challenges is what the historical leaders have not been able to accomplish. They were not been able to do it immediately after the Peace Accords were signed, when the five organizations that participated in the civil war were still together, and they did not do it afterwards when the party became a shadow. Once again, the challenges do not seem to be the most important things on their minds, but their disputes and their selfish rivalry. Those are the factors that actually consume their energy.

Despite the situation inside the FMLN, the Salvadoran society keeps up its pace, its problems, its desires. The Saca administration has promised to resolve those problems and guide the wishes of the Salvadoran population through a pathway of tranquility and welfare. Anyone could be as pessimistic as possible about this offer; some people could say that this will fail. However, no one can deny that the fourth administration of ARENA is taking away from the FMLN a flag that in spite of its political and its ideological vulnerability has given them good electoral results: a social compromise. The FMLN might be against ARENA, but it would be ridiculous to sabotage the social policies created by the Saca administration. What to do then? What the FMLN should have done a long time ago, and what is now a task that has to be accomplished immediately: to tell themselves and to tell the society what kind of left wing it wants to be, what is their offer, how will they accomplish their goals, why should they be trusted, and why is it better than the rest of political options.

Many things are expected from the FMLN, but that is the duty of the party if it intends to get up and go in the right direction; instead of waiting for the mistakes of its opponents, it has to think about its own accomplishments and how to improve its own performance.

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Politics


The FMLN does not keep up the pace

 

The comments about the performance of the FMLN could be true. Inside the left wing party, the typical authoritarian attitude of some of its leaders threatens to cause a new division. In fact, even if it is true that this is not the first time that the internal division of the party becomes public, everything seems to indicate that the differences between the leaders are taking more of a radical turn. The events reported by the local news media about the disputes between the members of the FMLN, that seem to be divided inside the City Hall of San Salvador, could be an adequate parameter to measure the differences between the followers of Handal and the followers of Ortiz.

The rumors include a series of comments about people who have been fired from the municipal councils. Both sides of the FMLN are allegedly eliminating those members that have become their adversaries. They are even talking about bringing the internal differences to a court house. The ethics tribunal of the party has expelled several of its followers because of what is considered as an inappropriate behavior within the values of the organization. There is no doubt that, just as it has been indicated by the press, these expulsions look like part of a political revenge and as the desire to control the party, a goal of the present directive board.

It seems that the easiest mechanism to control the opposition is to leave them outside of the party. This is a curious way of understanding democracy for a party that raves about being the leading democratic institution of the country.

Since March, the storm has become stronger inside the FMLN. The open fight between its leaders has not only kept the party with a challenging attitude, but it has also weakened its image before the eyes of the electorate (an electorate that does not seem to accept the political line imposed by the party’s leaders). In fact, the different opinion polls indicate that most Salvadorans disapprove of the performance of the present directive board. Not even the changes in the attitude of Handal or his pictures shaking hands with Saca in the gardens of the presidential house seem to calm things down a bit. On the contrary, the images actually increased the discredit of the leader from FMLN, a leader that many people call stubborn, a person willing to block the political possibilities of his party as long as he is able to impose his personal ambitions and satisfy his enormous ego.

To have an idea about the political lethargy in which the FMLN lives, it is enough to observe how the official party has managed to occupy the spot light of the national debate. Since the presidential inauguration, Saca has taken all the applauses home. He has calmed down the political debate with a good doses of “communication”, taking advantage of the mistakes made by his opponent. The fourth president of ARENA keeps presenting himself as a negotiator with a close attitude towards the Salvadoran population and their problems in order to turn off and avoid any political confrontations with the adversaries of the left wing.

There are enough elements to say, in the line of a thesis created by the right wing, that the FMLN is loosing its grip because of Saca. If things keep going in the same direction, ARENA will defeat the FMLN during the next municipal and legislative elections, in 2006. In fact, the new president seems to have decided to fight a battle against the left wing. He speaks openly about the social issues and presents an eager speech aimed to seduce the Salvadoran population. Since the presidential inauguration, he has multiplied the number of announcements and visits to the “social construction works”, as a sample of his wish to be close to the less fortunate.

If this discourse is combined with the evident internal problems of the left wing it is possible to understand the perplexity of its followers. In fact, Saca seems to eagerly want to be successful in the field where others have failed. In addition, he continuously speaks about negotiation, and sets an example of respect and the will to speak with the opposition.

It is too early to measure the specific results of the different proposals made by Saca. However, what has been discussed in this article is enough to have an idea about the present situation of the left wing party. If in a system of parties the behavior of the different actors has consequences over the life of others, it is correct to think that what presently happens with ARENA, this sensation of a new leadership, has to question the members of the FMLN in order to make them adjust their way of understanding politics.

It is precisely this capacity to react what is being questioned. At least an important sector of the left wing is strongly questioning the behavior of the present leaders in this conjunction. This article will try to answer to the questions about what is the right pathway for the FMLN inside its internal political situation, considering its importance as a political party willing to win the elections.

What is the renovation pathway that the FMLN should follow?
With the crisis of the left wing party, it is logical to wonder what is the way to avoid the problem and favor the renovation of this organization. Because of the expulsion of several of the historical leaders of the FMLN, this party is still the most important sector of the opposition, in spite of the defections of several emblematic figures. At the same time, even if this party has been favored by the irrelevance of the rest of the opposition, it is important to pay attention to the fact that it has not been able to be present in the Executive power. In this sense, the electoral confrontation strategy with the official party has been unsuccessful.

Some people believe that the best way to resolve for once and for all the permanent crisis inside the FMLN is to have a serious discussion to restructure the identity of this organization in the new context of the post-war. Since the end of the civil war, the FMLN has not discussed its political objectives and its identity. In addition, many of the defections seem to have a common denominator: a different political perspective about what the party should be in the post-war context. That is why those who are not happy with the party are usually called “renovators”, the opposition of a leadership that is stuck in time.

There are serious arguments that invite to discuss several aspects in order to define the identity of the party in this new context of the national life. It would be a win –win deal for both the FMLN and El Salvador. To present a strong and a credible option before ARENA would inject a dose of dynamism to the political life, and this would favor the democratic process. With this, the conditions for a true political competition would be created. Without a doubt, the economic elite that exclusively supports the governmental party would have to examine its strategy, as long as the FMLN stops giving any more reasons to be called “extremist” and “an institution against the system”.

The dominant vision of the situation at the FMLN, even if it is interesting, has to be completed with another analysis, probably a more realistic one for the renovation of the FMLN. The system of parties has to be examined, because all the flaws of this system seem to rest on the shoulders of the members of the FMLN. This party has its share of responsibilities because of the apathy that it awakens inside the political life. However, the rest of the politicians are also responsible for this negative image, they are the accomplices of the failure of the system of parties.

On the other hand, it seems difficult to trust that there will actually be a discussion about the ideological principles of the FMLN, as a mechanism to resolve their internal problems. Even if such a debate were actually held, it would only show the internal differences between the fractions. In addition, a party is a living organism, a dynamic organism that cannot pretend to resolve for once and for all the questions about its identity. This sort of matter has to be constantly confronting itself with the environment, particularly during the special moments that are created with the electoral events for the democratic life of the country. In this sense, to resolve the question about the ideology and the projects, that is, the identity of the party in this sort of debate, is an exercise that has to be constantly performed in the context of the confrontation between the organization and its environment.

It is important to identify what are the actual elements that the organization has to assure a permanent process of renovation that includes the leaders and their political strategies. From this perspective, the FMLN is, without a doubt, the most modern party of the country. Its statutes have a democratic mechanism to face the complex problem of its renovation. All of the militants are supposed to count with the same opportunities to be heard and present their internal renovation proposals, and their strategies to face the external political adversaries.

As it usually happens in any democratic country, this mechanism is expected to allow all of the citizens to actively participate in the political life, and enable them to present their own interpretations of the national reality. In the moments of crisis, for instance, different options are presented to show their different perspectives about reality. In the end, the citizenry chooses the best and the most coherent option of the diagnosis. The same thing is expected to happen with the FMLN, since its statutes speak about an internal democracy in the widest sense of the word.

Nevertheless, this ideal of democracy has not come true yet. The FMLN still has leaders with an authoritarian attitude. A debate has to be discussed at this point. As long as the party’s democratic mechanisms work, the present problems will be resolved. Otherwise, the unhappy militants will keep walking away from the party, and they will remain as an easy target for the electoral strategy designed by ARENA.

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Economy


The creation of a new agricultural policy

 

During the last week, the sectors of the agricultural area kept looking forward to the creation of a new agricultural policy, a negotiated agricultural policy. The former director of the Agricultural and the Industrial Chamber, Mario Salaverría, who is now the present minister of Agriculture, is very interested to create an agricultural policy that could benefit both the producers and the merchants of the sector. In order to overcome the crisis of the agricultural sector, it is necessary to adopt a set of measures, such as the creation of a new agricultural policy that includes the contributions of the different sectors that are involved in this project, the creation of an improved Ministry of Agriculture (MAG, in Spanish), a modern institution to take care of the needs of the sub-sectors, and the formulation (as well as the application) of the policies aimed to benefit the small producers.

In general terms, the agricultural policy of the new administration period intends to focus itself on the following products: beans, vegetables, fruits, cotton, corn, rice, pork meat, and red meat. The new policy will try to take the agricultural sector out of its stagnation period. In the words of the presidential Commissioner, for the agricultural field, Carmen de Sol, this is about revitalizing the agricultural activity that has been “sadly abandoned”. In order to accomplish this “revitalization”, it is necessary to create a policy that follows a specific set of negotiated and specific measures.

The position of the Executive power was also involved in another important event during the last week: the Salvadoran Banking Association (ABANSA, in Spanish) decided to extend the period of suspension of the seizures that affect the producers who have considerable debts with the banking system. The measure would be a breath of fresh air for those who, with the creation of a new agricultural policy, will be able to find the opportunity to make their lands profitable once again.


The search for a negotiation
From a social and an economic perspective, the announcement made by the minister of Agriculture should be well received by the different sectors of the country, since it is a new approach to build an agricultural policy able to resolve the problem of the low productive capacity of the sector. However, it is also important to see that this initiative could have its limitations. Until now, the MAG has presented a draft paper that includes the aspects that the representatives of the unions should discuss. Each one of them will have to suggest, speak their minds, add or subtract aspects from the document in accordance with the interests of the sectors that they represent.

Are the interests of the small farmers actually represented by this policy? There is no answer, because no one knows if they will be able to participate in the deliberations. Or is it that their interests can be inferred from Salaverría’s statement: “To define and to apply support measures for the small farmers”? A premise of this kind cannot be takeng lightly. Even if it is good, it does not include, in actual terms, what will be the role of the small farmers in the creation of a new agricultural policy. Therefore, it is necessary to actually count with their participation in order to achieve a negotiated policy. It is also necessary to see if the directors of each union (the ones of CAMAGRO and PROLECHE, for instance) are specifically representing the interests of their associates. Hopefully, these meetings will not become a series of understandings between old acquaintances that establish their particular interests over the interests of the majority of the country’s agricultural producers.

The ARENA administrations: a historic project for El Salvador
When the new President was inaugurated, he recalled all the “good deeds” of the former ARENA administrations. In this context, Saca stated that the country has achieved a notable set of goals since the official party became part of the Executive power, in 1989. This is where it is important to wonder: why did it take four administration periods to pay attention to the agricultural problems? If it is true that the next ARENA administrations can be understood as a line that has guided the country’s development, why this problem was not taken into consideration by the Cristiani administration back in 1989?

The present interest of the Executive power to create an agricultural policy seems to be out of time. After the economy has enjoyed a decade with a process of commercial openness, and seems to be consolidating itself through the Free Trade Agreements, they start talking about the need to be “productive”, about “competitiveness” and “efficiency”, and that in order to achieve such characteristics it is necessary to have an active policy of the government for the agricultural sector.

However, since this active policy was not created by the former administrations because their interest was to privatize the banking system, the State’s organizations, and to dollarize the economy, the poverty level increased in the rural areas. This does not mean that it was not necessary to re-structure the banking system and the state’s organizations; it means that an agricultural policy was excluded, and that it would have helped to improve the lives of the rural families.

A long-term economic project
From an economic perspective, the agricultural sector is a key factor because it is one of the main creators of profitability. It produces food and basic materials which are an important part of the country’s production process. Taking this sector as the foundation of the economy, an economic model is built, a sustainable and a viable model in the long-term. However, to pay more attention to the growth of the third sector of the economy can hardly generate a harmonic improvement of it.

A characteristic feature of our economy is that we consume more than we are able to produce. We do not have sectors able to produce a high value added (an agricultural, industrial, or a manufacturing value). This also explains why we have a higher commercial deficit, because many of the materials used by the country’s business companies do not come from our primary sector, but they are actually imports. The demand for elaborated items is mostly fulfilled with imported products, given the stagnation of the agricultural sector, a key aspect of the productive system.

Hopefully, the new agricultural policy that the MAG wishes to establish with the help of the different unions will be able to actually consider the role of the small agricultural producers, and the need to develop a primary sector able to produce a larger amount of food and materials. With this we could achieve a stable and a sustainable growth in the long term.

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