PROCESO — WEEKLY NEWS BULLETINEL SALVADOR, C.A.

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Proceso 1108
August 11, 2004
ISSN 0259-9864
 
 

INDEX




Editorial: Terrorist threat

Politics: Why are they threatening us?

Economy: The professional training and its impact on productivity

 
 
Editorial


Terrorist threat

 

These summer holidays have been different from last year’s. This is not because of the fact that there was a lower level of deaths and less people injured than in former celebrations, but because of the possibility of a horrid terrorist threat against El Salvador was revealed through the Internet. Although the terms of the threat are not clear enough yet –and no one knows the identity of their spokes people-, because of the information that has been released through the press agencies, one of their main purposes is to stop the departure of a new Salvadoran military contingent to Iraq. From this perspective, the threat would make sense: the Salvadoran government, because it supports the invasion leaded by the United States, also becomes the enemy of those that reject the invasion.

Whether the terrorist threat makes sense or not –that is, if it is understandable inside the logic of those who feel assailed by an invader and its allies- this does not mean that it can be justified or anything of the sort. It cannot be justified because, in its own nature, when a terrorist threat becomes a reality, it is aimed to cause the pain and the suffering of innocent people. In this case, any terrorist attempt in the Salvadoran territory –because of the strategies used by the terrorists in similar situations- would only harm the people that have nothing to do with the decision made by the Saca administration about keeping an international political line –subjected to the wishes of the United States- inherited from Francisco Flores. Obviously, terrorists do not usually make this kind of distinctions because their objective is to turn the pain of the innocent citizens –through the impact caused by the media- into an instrument of political pressure. The fact that El Salvador has nothing to do in Iraq is out of the question. The Iraqi who are against the invasion of the United States demand the withdrawal of the troops, and that is a legitimate demand. What is neither legitimate nor fair is to use terrorism in order to achieve that purpose. Terrorism is definitively a strategy that destroys the legitimacy of any means, regardless of how respectable these means can be.

The terrorist threat that floats over El Salvador cannot be taken lightly. However, paranoia and panic should be avoided. Prudence should lead the way, especially the prudence of those –those that from the governmental and the most recalcitrant sector of the right wing- that search for the “local groups” that allegedly support the international terrorism. The worst that can happen to the country is a sort of witch-hunt –something that might put the opposition, the members of the syndicates, or the sectors of the population that are unhappy about the way the economy and politics are handled in a controversial spot-, or that the argument about the terrorist threat is used to harden both the judicial policies and those of the police. There are those that can see through the attitudes of several public officials –including President Saca himself- the will to take advantage of the situation to strengthen the repressive dimension of the State. This would undoubtedly undermine even more the already weak Salvadoran democracy, and it would make it even more difficult for the people to coexist in harmony.

There is another critical issue that should be discussed, and that is the attitude adopted by some of the most important public figures of the country in regard to the terrorist threat. Lightness has been the rule, not the exception. This has led some people to say that this is just an irrelevant threat because just about anyone could have sent it without considering the consequences. That possibility exists, the problem is that the presence of the Salvadoran members of the army in Iraq makes out of El Salvador a real enemy of those who fight against the United States and its allies. In this context, it is necessary to say something to those that insist on the presence of the Salvadoran soldiers in Iraq because they are allegedly doing a humanitarian job of reconstruction. That is not true under any circumstances, the Salvadoran troops are directly involved in a war effort leaded by the United States. It is enough to follow the international press to realize that Iraq is living a virtual civil war, in which the United States and its allies –El Salvador, among the few that are left- play the leading roles. Therefore, the Salvadoran government is involved in a war, and in a war there are friends and enemies; the enemies are usually attacked, destroyed and subjugated. It is not that what the United States intended when it came out to hunt Saddam Hussein? Is not that what it is looking for now in its confrontation against the Islamic factions that reject their presence in Iraq?

The shallowness of some people can be added to the stupidity of others. The most evident case is the one of President Saca, who has foolishly insisted on the fact that he will keep the Salvadoran troops in the Iraqi territory. For him, the terrorist threat is blackmail, not a chance to turn back and see the needs and the welfare of the population. In the same line followed by former President Flores, his sights are set on the United States, in what this country could need or want from its allies, and not in what the Salvadoran people demand. With a rhetoric similar to the one used by Flores, Saca has said that the Salvadorans support the presence of the troops in Iraq, something that obviously cannot be sustained under any perspective, since that decision was made behind the backs of the population. This is, therefore, a legitimate decision that, in addition, compromises the welfare and the tranquility of all Salvadorans. If a command should be imperative for Saca, as President, that would be to do everything in order to promote peace. The decision of sending a new military contingent to Iraq puts in danger the lives of all Salvadorans. Will Saca be able to turn back and see what is really convenient for his people? Or will he keep his mind set on what is convenient for the United States’ government?

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Politics


Why are they threatening us?

 

This is the naïve question that the public officials of the present administration seem to wonder about. The different considerations that were made about sending the troops to Iraq did not look at the fact that there could be a future risk for the national security. Some people believed that this country was an insignificant territory from a strategic perspective, they believed that the alleged members of the Al Qaeda could be dissuaded from taking a good look at the alliance between the Salvadoran government and the United States. In fact, for a long time, beyond the declarations of the international opposition regarding the presence of the troops in Iraq, the name of El Salvador did not seem to be in the group of countries threatened by the international terrorism.

However, some people have began to talk about the risk of a terrorist attack against the country. An organization called Mohamed Atta - Al Qaeda Yihad Brigades would have allegedly threatened the country and said that they were bringing the Iraqi conflict to the Salvadoran territory. “To send troops from El Salvador would have been considered a declaration of war against the Muslims from Iraq, and that would make us declare the war to you and bring the conflict to El Salvador, we are not to be held responsible for the bloodshed after we have warned you with this message”.

The different reactions of the political actors
There have been different reactions about the alleged threat according to the political sensibility of those who have taken part in the debate. For the parties that approve of the country’s participation in the occupation, the threats are not a reason to leave Iraq. On the contrary, El Salvador should increase the amount of guards at the borders, and closely watch the Arabian citizens that live in the territory and those that are able to move around the area.

President Saca stated that “a government should not give up before a terrorist threat because, if it does, they are going to achieve their goal, that is, to dominate the world”. That is why he reaffirmed his intention to remain in Iraq, and send the next Salvadoran contingent. Just in case, he also took advantage of the religious celebrations of August to pray for the safety of the country.

According to the Salvadoran chancellor, “there are risks everywhere in the world, but that will not prevent us from fulfilling our international engagements”. Both the Minister of Defense and the Minister of Governance have stated that they are deeply concerned about the protection of the Salvadorans before the possibility of a terrorist threat. The Salvadoran government rejects the threat. However, he clutches his teeth so that the “evil plan” fails.

On the other hand, without taking much of a risk, several governmental actors and certain sectors of the press that follow the government’s line of work have taken advantage of the circumstances to suggest that there could be a certain connection between the authors of the threat and the left wing. Rene Figueroa has publicly stated that it would be convenient to investigate the sectors of the left wing because of their political background (the guerrilla) and their violent protests against the United States. Another sector of the press has stated that there will be local groups willing to help the terrorist make their dreams come true and cause a blood bath in El Salvador.

On the other hand, the opposition believes that this is the ideal chance to demand that the Salvadoran troops leave Iraq. The leaders of the opposition said that the government is responsible for any attacks that could be aimed to the country. “As many other countries
–said a spokesperson of the opposition-, such as Spain, Nicaragua, and Honduras that understood that this was not the war that was announced in the first place, El Salvador should withdraw its troops from the Iraqi territory”. That is why they believe that the best decision would be to redefine the international policy of the government concerning the situation at Iraq.

While the true origin of the threats remains unknown, the political sector responsible for the presence of the Salvadoran troops in Iraq keeps avoiding to discuss its obligations about the security issues. The government keeps saying that they are responding to the request of the United Nations, which allegedly asked for the support of the troops to help reconstruct Iraq. In the meantime, the issue about the role that the Salvadoran soldiers play to support the United States is avoided.

How to explain the presence of the Salvadoran troops in Iraq?
In order to understand the decision made by Francisco Flores about sending the Salvadoran troops to Iraq, it is necessary to look at the intense pressure that, at the time, the Bush administration made to force the different political leaders of the world to take a clear stance before the invasion that had been programmed. Due to the reluctance of most of the members of the Security Council of the United Nations, the insignificant countries, according to both a strategic and a military perspective, gained an unexpected diplomatic importance. They were used by the American government to justify before the public opinion their concept of an international coalition willing to face Sadam Hussein.

In this context, and in accordance with the political convictions of the former President, it was decided to support the American policy in Iraq with the presence of the Salvadoran troops. In addition, Flores had thought that the only way to get the Bush administration to adopt migratory measures in favor of the illegal Salvadorans living in the United States was to unconditionally support the decisions made in the White House. There are enough reasons to suppose that, at some point, the discussion about the free trade agreement with the United States and the support to the American policies in the Persian Gulf were connected. This is where the answers to why all of the Central American countries, except for Guatemala and Costa Rica, sent troops to Iraq can be found.

However, in the context of the electoral defeat of Aznar’s party, in Spain, (someone who was one of the strongest allies of the Bush administration, and who undoubtedly had pressured the Central American countries to go to war) these countries took advantage of the new conjunction to get out of the war. The Spanish troops, due to their higher training skills, were considered as a safe back-up for the Central American soldiers. However, when a new administration was elected in Spain, the authorities decided to withdraw their troops from Iraq, in words of the new President of the Spanish government, in order to stop being the accomplices of an illegal and an absurd war built over a foundation of lies aimed to the public opinion.

With the withdrawal of Spain, the Central American countries and the Dominican Republic decided to withdraw their troops, saying that the minimum security requirements were not available any more to keep their soldiers there. Before the gap that kept growing with the departure of the Spanish soldiers, the Bush administration did not comment much on the departure of the Nicaraguan, the Honduran, and the Dominican troops. The diplomatic pressures did not have the desired effect, and the very same presidents that had decided to support the United States just stopped. However, the Salvadoran leaders did not follow the same example.

Why did the Salvadoran troops remain in Iraq? Considering the aforementioned ideas, it is still not easy to understand why the Salvadoran authorities did not follow the example of the rest of the Central American governments. All of these countries were facing the same kind of pressure from the American diplomats, and they share common interests with Washington. These interests basically consist on the approval of the free trade agreement, and the protection of their illegal immigrants that live in the United States. That is why it is important to notice the ideological blindness of the Salvadoran right wing, their arrogance, and their political hypocrisy, and, in addition, their lack of skills to interpret and understand the international politics. All of these elements have put the lives of the Salvadoran population in danger.

About the ideological blindness of the right wing, its members keep thinking that the war that the United States is leading in Iraq is a legitimate war because it allegedly intends to end with terrorism. For some strange reason, these political and intellectual sectors connect the revolutionary insurgence of the eighties with what is presently going on in Iraq. That is why they do not think twice to link the FMLN with the present threats, forgetting about the political contexts and the different reality that El Salvador is feeling at this moment.

The reasons that explain the presence of the Salvadoran troops in Iraq because of the arrogance and the political hypocrisy of the right wing find its foundation in the little respect that the leaders from ARENA seem to have towards the Salvadoran citizenry. They keep sustaining, contrary to the facts, that their decision responds to a request made by the United Nations. They refuse to discuss the presence of the troops, and they avoid the questions concerning the risks for the country. Comforted by the support of the most important news media, they keep ignoring the minimum requirements of democracy, and the explanations that come along with it.

The presence of the Salvadoran troops in Iraq obeys to the little capacity of the leaders to interpret the international reality. One of the negotiation principles between the countries in matters of international relations supposes that the actors make their deals over the foundation of their interests, and that their reciprocate concessions are aimed to defend these interests. In any case, it is more realistic not to offer more than what is at stake in any transaction. The Salvadoran authorities did not understand this simple rule. They deliberately put the population in danger without getting anything in return. They did not understand that the presence of the Salvadoran soldiers in Iraq was not going to affect the approval of the free trade agreement, and that it was no guarantee to automatically renovate the migratory status of the Salvadorans that live in the United States. Nicaragua, Honduras, and the Dominican Republic did understand this. And they are not being threatened by the Al Qaeda. The Salvadoran authorities did not understand it, and now the country lives beneath the shadow of a terrorist threat.

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Economy


The professional training and its impact on productivity

 

In the context of a global economy, education has become the main mechanism to encourage the economic growth of the nations. The human resources gain their territory before the presence of the financial resources, at least in the discourse used by the defenders of globalization. That is why the training skills of the workers have become the indispensable requirement to increase productivity and compete in the international market.

However, the importance that has been given to this issue in matters of competitiveness has not been enough in the less developed countries. This problem has been reflected through a couple of important aspects. On the one hand, the country has the indicators of a low productivity level in the long term; and, on the other hand, this is a densely populated country. Due to these situations, the qualification of the workers becomes more important in order to increase the productivity levels and the competitiveness. Therefore, it is necessary that the national companies invest time and money to adequately train its employees.

The Economic and the Social Development Report of 2003: “The competitiveness for the Salvadoran Foundation of Development” (FUSADES, in Spanish) shows that during the last three years, the most important business companies are the ones that have provided their employees with more training than any other sector. This means that while the most important business companies have trained 85.1% of their workers, the micro-business companies have only trained 18.2% of their workers. The poll attached to the document reveals that the business companies that export their products, the ones that count with foreign investments, are the ones that are more concerned about improving the efficiency of its workers.

However, the effect that the training policies have must be analyzed not only from a business perspective, but also from a macroeconomic point of view to understand its positive impact over the global employment level. It can be said that training enables the association process between the offer and the demand of jobs, since it generates qualified workers demanded by the companies and this means that the employment level will increase, and that the unemployment levels will be reduced, even if the result connected with the salaries is not evident. On the other hand, it creates a direct improvement on the workers’ performance, something that improves, at the same time, the qualification among the trained workers and those who are already working.

In this game of promoting knowledge to increase productivity, the intervention of the State becomes necessary through the creation of an economically independent organization, with an independent administration as well, able to design the adequate training policies in accordance with the demands of the labor market.

INSAFORP and its contribution to the national productivity levels
On May, 1993, the Salvadoran Institute of Professional Training (INSAFORP, in Spanish) was created. According to Article Number 2 of the Law of Professional Training, the main objective of this institution is to “satisfy the demand of human resources that both the social and the economic development of the country require, and to promote the improvement of the workers’ personal situation and their families”. The 1996 Strategic Plan of Professional Training establishes that the Institute has to consider as a priority the areas of training connected with agriculture, the industry, and services. The training programs offered by the Institute can be classified in a couple of sectors: professional training, in order to prepare young people and unemployed adults that have a low educational level; and continuous training, in order to improve the skills of those that are already working.

However, it is necessary to see how does the professional training policy formulated and implemented by the INSAFORP allows the training programs to become the means to increase not only the productivity of the “work” factor in a global scale, but also the skills of the people with less resources, in order to contribute to the reduction of the social differences.

In a recent study titled “The productivity of the Salvadoran economy: an evaluation about the equity of the Training Policies of the INSAFORP”, of March 2004, reveals that even if this organization is new, it occupies the third place in the list of the rest of professional training organizations in reference to the coverage index of the Economically Active Population (PEA, in Spanish), with a percentage of 4.68% for the year 2002. Nicaragua is at the second place with 5.08% for 2001; and Costa Rica occupies the first place with 5.97%. However, the same report reveals that the impact that the INSAFORP has had in the productivity level of the country has not been outstanding, due to certain shortcomings of the institution. The first one is the occupational training, which has gained less importance, since by the year 2002, the total percentage of trained people was 11.84%, when by 1996 it was 93.17%. The former ideas can be confronted with the fact that the modality of continuous training for 1996 was 6.83%, a percentage very different from the one of 2002 (88.16%).

In the second place, the indicator of trained people that represent the branch of economic activity shows that by the year 2002, in the agricultural sector the courses were aimed to only 3% of the PEA, a sector that represents 19.6% of it; while 19.3% of the courses were aimed to the financial companies, when only 4% of the PEA is included in this sector. This information leads us to wonder if there really is a training policy aimed to the agricultural area, or if the INSAFORP is basically aimed to train those sectors that make more profits, without considering the needs of the PEA.

In the third place, about the coverage of the program in each of the country’s departments, there is a concentration in the metropolitan area, since for the year 2002 the training promoted by the institution covered 62.3% of the PEA. On the other hand, Ahuachapan, Chalatenango, Cabañas, and Morazan have the lowest levels of coverage with only 0.1%. Therefore, in terms of productivity, the same study reveals that, for instance, if the number of trained people by the INSAFORP increases by 1000 people, the labor productivity will increase by $1,932, and when the expenses destined to the training courses increase by $10,000, the productivity in terms of labor increases by $0.23 cents. This means that the productivity level per person (a person that has been trained), and for each dollar invested in that training, does not increase.

What can be recommended then in terms of productivity and competitiveness to the country? First, it is necessary that the State strengthens the formal education system, and that it can be accompanied by a professional training, focusing on the improvement of the skills of the workers that belong to the micro and the small business companies in order to increase the social expenses destined to the area of education to improve this sector. In the second place, it is possible to suggest that the INSAFORP should create more programs aimed to the economic sectors that concentrate a higher percentage of the PEA, to advice the companies in order that they know how to identify their training needs, and inform them about the importance of investing in the training skills of their employees. In addition, the participation of the collaborating centers should be promoted in those departments of the country that, up to this point, have not received much of the benefits that should be provided by a training institution. The number of training courses aimed to the occupation training programs should be increased in order that the people with less resources are able to improve their life standards.

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