Editorial

Government and private business faced with violence

Economy

Tax-free industrial parks or national industry

Society

Freedom of expression in El Salvador?

Society

How homosexuality is seen in El Salvador

Society

Smokescreen over Ilopango lake

News Briefs

GOVERNMENT AND PRIVATE BUSINESS FACED WITH VIOLENCE

Until a few months ago, any public reference to the problem of violence in El Salvador was not well received by economic and political circles of power. To present figures on the magnitude and costs of such violence, to insist on the social and economic factors which make it possible, to propose policies for its prevention and control...all of this produced nothing more than malaise among power groupings, above all if those investigative reports came from institutions considered by the ARENA government and big businessmen as too critical of its political and economic practices. Laying out on the table for discussion data which truly reveals the real situation of the country during this post-war period and indicating that it is one of the most violent in Latin America, could not but be read by ARENA and friends as a campaign against the "good image" of El Salvador abroad, because of the negative repercussions which such revelations might bring for investment and tourism.

Although it is astoundingly evident that Salvadoran society is involved in a complex network of violent practices--violence in the family, organized crime, common crime, youth gangs, etc.--which until recently the circles of power in this country appeared to ignore its existence. Faced with the gravity of the situation, an ostrich prefers to bury its head so as not to have to deal with a problem which demands to be treated as it ought to be and to be examined as to the diverse factors which cause it and which cause it to expand. In other words, facing the problem of violence presupposes accepting and recognizing that Salvadoran society during the post-war period is immersed in a quagmire of violent practices and behaviors, leaving to one side the consideration of whether that acceptation and recognition affect the political and economic interests of specific sectors of the country. Undoubtedly those interests have been weighed too heavily at the moment of assigning the level of importance merited by the problematic of violence. It is these interests which in good measure explain the delicate delay with which the power elites have reacted when faced with a situation which has been practically unsupportable since 1992.

Nevertheless, during recent weeks, national public opinion has witnessed a brusque about-face: On the one hand, the government of ARENA now accepts, without batting an eye, that the levels of violence in El Salvador are alarming and that, as a consequence, it is necessary for the authorities to work hard to deal with the problem; on the other, private enterprise, through ANEP, has not only demonstrated its concern for the wave of kidnappings and robberies which have affected various of its members, but have cried out for the revision of the new penal code, which, in the opinion of ANEP, shows favoritism to criminals.

Until a few weeks ago, the Government of the Republic as well as ANEP had not taken up the topic of violence as a problem of significant magnitude. For various different reasons, they have been obliged to change their attitude. Before anything else, for the government it has become politically uncomfortable to insist on the successes of the post-war period, especially those which signaled peaceful coexistence among Salvadorans when the press and news media were printing daily reports of the most brutal acts of violence and institutions such as the Universidad Centroamericana "José Simeón Cañas" revealed figures which presented the country as one of the most violent in Latin America.

The UCA, more than any other institution, was difficult for the Armando Calderón Sol administration to handle, given that UCA investigations on violence not only present solid fundamental and empirical analyses, but their publication within the country and abroad were inevitable. The government was left with only two options: to actively reject the results of the university investigation or accept the challenges which the findings themselves posed. As absurd as it may seem, it was the first option which was imposed and which dominated the scene during the various months which it took the government to position itself to confront the topic of violence. In the about-face taken during recent weeks, the Calderón Sol administration has taken steps backwards in publicly accepting something which political and academic sectors were already fully aware of: that violence constitutes a national problem of primary importance. With its about-face, the government, although a bit tardy, has synchronized itself more fully with the reality of the country, although for this it has had to include, in its discourse on the question of violence, additional elements--precisely those elements which it previously considered to have placed in check the "good image" of the country abroad-- elements previously libeled by the president himself and his close advisors.

ANEP has now focussed its gaze on the topic of violence in the same measure in which it itself has been directly affected in the persons of various of the businessmen members of the guild. The concern of the businessmen's guild, then, is not owing primarily to a commitment with the forward movement of the nation, but rather responds more to the immediate interest of the businessmen in safeguarding its own personal integrity and that of its goods, which organized crime is currently focussing in on. For certain, the fact that ANEP has introduced into its agenda discussions with the government on the topic of violence is an advance over the situation of the recent past, in which ANEP appeared not to have given the appropriate importance and relevance to the problem. Nevertheless, the way which ANEP has taken up the problem presents inconvenient aspects as well. Among these inconvenient aspects, there are two which should be given special emphasis: (a) to focus the debate on violence exclusively with regard to topics related to assaults and kidnappings, laying aside other dimensions of the phenomenon whose treatment and eradication require the decided support of private enterprise; and (b) insisting on measures involving force in order to combat crime in an effort to obtain spectacular results in the short run, without giving appropriate attention to other factors of prevention and control which do not necessarily involve coercion.

However all this may be, the UCA opened the way for dealing with the topic of violence. Now the government and ANEP have incorporated it into their respective agendas. It remains to be seen whether joint and coordinated work among the three formations might be hoped for. This in order to continue advancing in the analytical comprehension and practical treatment of the problem.

TAX-FREE INDUSTRIAL PARKS OR NATIONAL INDUSTRY

Since the decade of the 1970's, the creation of tax-free industrial parks have been a priority policy of the government in encouraging industrial activity in El Salvador. First, with the creation of the tax-free industrial park in San Bartolo and then with the development of some twenty more--the majority of them during the decade of the 1990's--the effort has been directed towards stimulating foreign investment in businesses dedicated to the assemblage of goods destined almost exclusively for exportation. These businesses are totally exempt from the payment of taxes and, at the end of the decade of the 1990's, they are dedicated almost exclusively to assembling items of clothing for the U.S. market.

This activity--known as the "maquilas", or, so-called runaway shops--has displaced traditional industrial sectors and agricultural exports as the principal sources of production and export goods. Between 1992 and 1996, the value of the production of the maquila industry tripled, while for 1997 maquila production accounted for 44% of all total exports.

It is probably as it contemplates this bonanza that the government has proposed to reform the law for tax free industrial parks in order to create conditions even more favorable for international investment in the this kind of activity. One of the aspects which most draws attention on the question of the proposed law is that it aims to increase the percentage of production of the maquila shops that can be commercialized within the country. Additionally, what is being proposed is to abrogate the tax exemption of the businesses installed in the tax-free zones. As a result of the foregoing, it is interesting to review the participation of the maquila shops in the context of the national economy with an eye to what could be the implications of the reform of the law for tax-free industrial parks over national industrial businesses, especially in textiles.

The economic importance of the maquila shops could be evaluated examining its participation in variables such as production, employment, exportation and importation. Owing to the growing economic importance of this type of activity, for five years the Central Reserve Bank (BCR) has offered disparate figures for this particular sector. According to these figures, maquila shops, in 1997, became the most important sector in the manufacturing industry as it came to represent 9.3% of production for the sector which are lightly greater than the products of mills and bakeries which represented 9.2%. That data is relevant, above all, when it is taken into considered that, for 1993, bakery and mill products represented 9.4% of industrial production while maquila production represented only 4.6%. Likewise, the growth indicators of production have been very much above the growth rate for the GNP, and this includes the most dynamic national sectors. In recent years, production by the maquila sector has grown to the point of being expressed in rates as high as 27% in 1994, 35% in 1995, 12% in 1996 and 30% in 1997.

On the other hand, employment generated by the maquila grew to represent 35,370 jobs, according to Commercial and Industrial Vice-Minister Roland Alvarenga. So, in relation to the total number of jobs in industry, this figure represents approximately 3.2% of total jobs and 12.6% of all jobs in industry. It is important to point out here that one of the most characteristic factors--and, at the same time, the most questionable--of maquila-style production is that salary payments to the majority of minimum-salary laborers, which, although it is legal, are below the level defined as extreme poverty. This, in addition to amounts representing value added in this industry is far superior to intermediate consumption and to the fact that it is an activity exempt from the payment of taxes, implies the existence of higher percentages of profits for investors.

Other effects to be considered with respect to the maquila activities are their effects on the external sector because its activity has implications as much on exportations as upon importations. In fact, for 1997, maquila activities generated exports in the amount of 9,274 million colones, but at the same time brought about imports for a total of 6,699.875 million colones. As a result, the yield from maquila activities as it affected foreign trade was positive in that it was represent by a figure of 2,547.125 million colones; this figure eliminated the possibility that the deficit in the balance of trade could have been 22% greater than it was.

This scenario gives significance to the new bill to reform the law governing tax-free industrial parks presented by the government. This law would permit maquila businesses to sell 100% of their production in El Salvador and broaden their activities to include factors such as market forestalling and warehousing, packing, re-packing, distribution and redistribution of products. With this, according to declarations by the ViceMinister of Commerce and Industry, the number of jobs in the maquila sector could grow from 35,370 to 129,2217, in intermediate range projections. According to the ViceMinister, in Honduras, the approval of sales at a national level and other incentives have permitted the creation of 120,000 jobs.

Faced with this possibility, the Executive Director of the Salvadoran Association for Industry (ASI), Mr. Jorge Arriaza, expressed that the sale on a national level of the goods produced in the maquilas is an "anti-national industrial [measure] because it would compete in a way which is unequal [unfair]". According to Mr. Arriaza, the bill should be revised because it is necessary to introduce gradual measures in order to void the disappearance of national businesses which produce on the basis of higher costs than do the maquila businesses.

This polemic becomes pertinent in that it takes into account an aspect of the economic liberalization processes which threaten to turn against those who encourage it--that is to say--against members of private enterprise. National industry's lack of capacity has not been proved with regard to the implications for opening up markets. In this country the industrial sector functions under obsolete operative norms which considerably elevate their costs together with the almost complete lack of capacity to compete successfully in the context of opening markets.

As Mr. Michael Porter, an expert in competition, has mentioned, in El Salvador the empresarial sector has become accustomed to take over closed markets and complains constantly every time the government opts to create regulatory laws or take regulatory measures. Word for word, Mr. Porter has indicated that ""everyone complains and competes to see who can best insult the government".

It should be pointed out, however that, although the offering of the maquila to the national economy is considerable, this does not justify the government's adopting measures which seek to stimulate that activity at the cost of national businesses, as inefficient as these may be. Given this, it is preferable to invest more time and resources in seeking out strategies which can effectively be translated into improving the competitiveness of the national industry. As a result of the foregoing, it is important that the government assume a more decisive role in encouraging competition because, if it does not, and if it continues its tendency toward liberalization of the economy, it will not only be the textile industry which is threatened but also all other branches of production.

FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION IN EL SALVADOR?

Since the completion of President Armando Calderón Sol's fourth year in office, last June, the Secretariat for Communications of the Presidency began an intense publicity campaign with the title "Our New El Salvador". The idea was to promulgate the supposed achievements of Mr. Calderón Sol after four years in the presidency in a species of summaries dealing with areas referred to in his discourse and comparing the situation of the country in 1994 with the current state of affairs. Among the points highlighted in this publicity campaign are: the reconstruction of the infrastructure damaged during the armed conflict, the modernization of public services, the strengthening of democracy, pluralism, policies of representatives and of institutionality and the enjoyment of individual freedoms.

This last point particularly draws attention. In his discourse, the President assures us, without reservation, that conditions have been created to allow for a climate of "absolute respect for ideas", with which, in the first place, the encouragement of an "absolutely free journalism" has been created and, in second place, the "development of a healthy process of discussion of distinct aspects of general interest" has also been created. There is no doubt that the absolutism present in Mr. Calderón Sol's words says much not only for the partial nature of the vision of national reality which he uses, but also about his clear intention to ignore those deeds which can easily raise objections to such affirmations. But what is even more curious is the direct mention made to the situation of national journalism as one of those particularly favored during his term in office.

It could be that the necessity for sustaining the affirmation that the country is now more participative than it was four years ago because of that respect for the expression of ideas, may be a motive of some consequence referring to journalism in the terms in which the President referred to it. But with this he runs the risk of establishing relations between both aspects in an extremely adventurous manner. Better yet, it could be that behind Mr. Calderón Sol's words exists the intention to take advantage for himself of the fact that in our country the tension between the government and the press has not risen to the degree of confrontation to which they have risen in Guatemala, Honduras and Nicaragua. Should this come to be the case in El Salvador, there will be much cloth to be cut before the government can reflect respect for the freedom of expression as a successful achievement, given that our situation is not so different from those of other countries.

In the first place, it should not be forgotten that the relation between the communications media and the current government have not developed in an atmosphere of respect and transparency, two of the minimal requirements for speaking of a journalism free from state-imposed obstacles. The negligence shown by the president when he refuses to supply information on the topics which question his work has been a daily reality for journalists. Neither have evasive responses been lacking during press conferences or in the few interviews which he has allowed to take place. Moreover, the president ought to mention in his discourse that during his four years in office he has not offered the occasion for open interviews and that it was not until this much publicized anniversary that he made himself available to the press. And even so he has not demonstrated an attitude of having overcome the characteristic imprecision in declarations which he offers to the communications media.

On the other hand, one must certainly remember the notable beating received by some cameramen which they attempted to cover the judicial proceedings of those accused of the FINSEPRO-INSEPRO fraud. This series of events showed that, at that moment, it was more important to protect the image of a representative of the ARENA clan than to present the truth of the facts to the population. It would not be strange, then, to assume that behind the nervous wielding of clubs with which the journalists were kept at bay, that there had been precise orders issued to impede the publicizing of any type of information that could unduly compromise the official party. From the point of view of a correct evaluation of power of images in the consciousness of the people, this decision was more than justified-- in the interests of influential sectors--for the purpose of maintaining his prestige spotless.

But then again, if the objective is to establish a direct relationship between participation and freedom of the press, the governmental campaign could not be more mistaken. The fact that tensions with the government in areas of journalistic activity exists may not be evident, does not imply that participation is produced at the levels which President Calderón Sol aims to present in his discourse as real. In this sense, the much-praised "discussion process for the distinctive aspects of general interest" loses all of its validity and cannot take place more than in a discourse in the idealistic style, in which the national situation could be easily falsified by presidential aspirations to highlight respect for public opinion.

In the same way, citizen participation ought to be strengthened in areas where the current administration has simply not done anything significant. The evident opposition that the ARENA government has shown when faced with the possibility of having recourse to plebiscites or consultations when confronted with activities which place the environment at risk is an indication of this. We can add that the marked tendency towards exclusion which the government exhibits at the point in time when it is necessary to convoke different sectors to discuss topics of national importance, such as occurred in the recent forum on "Violence in Central American and the Caribbean" held in our country. Finally, the camaraderie which has characterized the work of the communications media towards the governments in office as well as the small and scarce development of an independent journalism in our country could also constitute a reason for taking advantage of the notion of "freedom of the press".

From this perspective it is possible, although not guaranteed, to speak of the free exercise of journalism, although it may not be possible to speak of a guaranteed exercise of free journalism, given that the exercise of this right has, on very few occasions, concerned the authorities with their investigations. In fact, history itself has demonstrated that those who do not submit themselves to that "friendship" are condemned to bankruptcy or marginalization, when private enterprise appears in its role as the gendarme for the economic interests represented by the government. As a consequence, if the president intends to speak of freedom of expression, he must begin to work against the ease with which the flow and coverage of information may be stopped on the basis of pacts between sectors in power and the interests of a monopoly covered up by journalistic enterprises which mutually support each other in the enjoyment of "exclusivity of rights", negating, in this way, all competition, resulting in the consequent phenomenon of exclusion of the opinions of large portions of the population. The government, then, ought to encourage the availability of space for information and participation which permit it to become deeply aware of what is happening around it in order to be able to express an opinion with propriety on topics of national interest.

HOW HOMOSEXUALITY IS SEEN IN EL SALVADOR

Prostitution, infant pornography, sexual rape and homosexuality are aspects of a social reality which have important points in common. In the first place, these are topics linked, in one form or another, to sex. That sex which is not of a traditional nature, or, which is not the practice of "normal people". In second place, and directly derived from the first premise, they are acts which are strongly rejected by the society precisely because they are "abnormal" sex, a topic which is so open to controversy and public curiosity. In this sense, criminal and barbaric acts such as sexually abusing a person or obliging a child to perform acts which are appropriate to adults, are legitimately punished by law. Those brutal acts which are abuses of power, in those which one of the parties is physically or psychologically harmed and those in which human rights are trampled upon, do not merit more than punishment and repudiation by the law and society.

Nevertheless, one thing is to repudiate delinquent sexual practices and it is altogether another thing to reject (or characterize as demonic) individuals or groups whose sexual preference is considered as "abnormal". Homosexuality is erroneously identified not only and on many occasions with AIDS, but is also interpreted as being morally degenerate, a perversion of the senses or a psychological sickness, all of which would lead one to perceive homosexuals as a socially defective, which then may then, in this scheme of thinking, be legitimately treated with the worst possible disdain. It is obvious that these and other ills do not exclusively affect homosexuals, but can affect, more than anyone can imagine, the most chaste and pure of those who lead a "normal" life. In the great majority of cases, mentally unbalanced people and those suffering from pathological venereal disease are not associated with sexual tendencies or preferences of the subjects who suffer these ills. In the case of contagion by AIDS, education as a variable plays a much more relevant role than should it be the case that those infected with the virus are homosexuals or heterosexuals.

Discrimination against homosexuals and lesbians in our society cannot be hidden. This same discrimination has even been so serious that the lives of persons with these sexual preferences are placed in danger. The last weekend of the month of June, several homosexuals marched the streets of San Salvador in protest against the death of some of their companions. The data is eloquent: during recent months more than five gays were assassinated while others were beaten, supposedly by police officers of the National Civilian Police (PNC).

Information on the violence to which homosexuals are victims is not new, although it is not clear who is responsible for it. The mysterious wave of assassinations of homosexuals keeps this group on the alert, as they must now confront not only discrimination but beatings and taunting. A dangerous "homophobia" is taking control of intolerant individuals who feel not only that they are within their rights to monitor sexual preferences, but also to eliminate those who hold sexual preferences different from their own. It is a great absurdity to deprive a person of his or her life because someone considers that he or she has passed the limits of what is moral and modest when there is nothing more immoral or sickening that to believe that one has the right to pardon or take lives according to whim.

Curiously enough, this important march led by one of the many groups suffering discrimination in this country was practically ignored because the news media said little or nothing about it. In this detail one can appreciate the small importance that the media gives to defending the rights of this social group. In general, the topic of homosexuality is poorly covered in the media and, when it is dealt with, it is presented in the scandalous manner of yellow journalism and associated in an exaggerated way with prejudices and connotations of immorality and/or sickness. So it is, then, that, even before one starts, one must give up on any support from the media for the homosexual movement in this country: sensationalism and moralist stands in their way.

The case of homosexuals is more difficult to deal with than that of lesbians because repression against them is much more severe, given that this is a culture characterized by machismo. Mothers, fathers, sisters, brothers and all of those persons close to them take upon themselves the responsibility for making them see that "it is shameful for them" to have a homosexual in the family. This is the first level of discrimination which one confronts. Then follow all of the schools, jobs, streets, churches, etc...All of this is confirmed by the fact that all of the gays assassinated were men. Repudiation against members of this community is owing to the fact that they are seen as "a species of addiction similar to alcohol or a game" which must be overcome; as a "sinful style of life"; as an "anomaly whose roots should be investigated"; as "the result of a childhood trauma", etc. (the quotations are from various treatises on homosexuality). Few countries consider this form of life as one variant more of sexuality for which it is unnecessary to feel guilty.

Accepting the existence of gays and lesbians implies taking into account that masculine and feminine genre have arisen as part of social convention. This means that it has been a result of an agreement between two or more persons or organizations, on the basis of convenience, conformity, precedents or customs of a determined group. Homosexuality is another type of genre which has not been established in society. Different is the case of the male and female sex because these are biological and anatomical conditions which differentiate one from the other and which together comply with the function of procreation. Nevertheless, what corresponds to men or women corresponds physiologically speaking, does not mean that they can always correspond to each other in all other aspects such as spirituality, closeness, mutual comprehension, love, etc. At times, the differences between homo and heterosexuals are less than those which exist between men and women. In other words, a person, of whatever sex, can have preferences for persons of the same sex or not. This does not make him or her--or ought not--make them abnormal. It is a simple question that, because of sociocultural limitations, they are not compatible with either of the two existing genres. Nevertheless, the lives of men and women homosexuals, in large measure, exhibit the same characteristics as those of heterosexuals. Daily life is the same except for sexual inclination.

The problem is to be found precisely there. Society relates gays only to sexual practices which surely exist in the majority of cases, but which is not their primary reason for being. Unhealthy attitudes and people's curiosity do not permit them to contemplate a real vision of what it is to be homosexual. The limited binary categories of genre do not permit acceptance of the fact that there is another genre, another genre which is in the minority in relation to the two accepted genre, but which taken together includes all nationalities, ages, social categories and forms of personality. In El Salvador, this group is in a difficult situation and cannot count on any other support than that of its own members. But the manner in which they have organized pacifically is admirable, here and around the world, in order to defend their rights and to try to present their point of view.

SMOKESCREEN OVER ILOPANGO LAKE

In El Salvador, 90% of surface water in rivers, lagoons and lakes is contaminated by domestic, agricultural or industrial waste. Water is the natural resource which suffers the greatest environmental impact in our country; its biggest lake is not exempt from this danger. And worse, those who supposedly struggle for cleaning it up are at the same time firmly allied with the businesses which contaminate it.

Near Lake Ilopango there is an industrial zone which releases water after using it to make soaps, paints, fabrics and other products without worrying about its being released into lakes, rivers, streams and aqueducts. This is something that the "friends" of the lake seem to ignore. The lake, in fact, has some "friends" which are worried about reversing its environmental deterioration and with conserving it: the foundation is named "Friends of Lake Ilopango" and it was founded in October of 1993. This foundation is a non-governmental organization which came about because a group of businessmen were concerned about the conditions of this "mirror of water". This is how biologist Jeanneth Hernandez expresses it; she also affirms that "the contamination of the lake is more a cause of domestic wastes such as trash and sewage which come into the lake even from its own volcanic origins than from of industrial waste". She indicates, more over, that, although industrial contamination is more difficult to eliminate, "this is not considered to be the case of Lake Ilopango".

The lake was formed as a result of an eruption by the Xilotepec Volcano in 1880. It is located contiguous to three departments: La Paz, Cuscatlán and San Salvador. It consists of 72 square kilometers and its depth is 260 meters. It contains a great mass of dirty water. On its shores there is a trash incineration facility and streams with residual water and sewage from the communities and industrial wastes which run up to the shores of the lake.

The census carried out by the Health Ministry on contaminating industries indicates that in the municipality of Ilopango, the majority of factories --with some exception, as is the case of the Industrias Unidas, S.A. (IUSA) company, which has a modern treatment plant into which it invested 1.8 million dollars-- do not treat the waters which they pour into the lake. But even the measures taken by IUSA do not help much. Analyses carried out on two samples taken from the pipes of the business in the chemical laboratory of the Universidad Centroamericana "José Simeón Cañas" (UCA) reveal the presence of chemicals such as lead, cadmium, chromium in such quantities that they exceed the limits established as "normal" for the water.

The first sample taken with colorants only examined the chromium content, but the level of chromium it was so high that it was impossible to measure it, even by diluting it with water. The second sample did not contain colorants and it was possible to make a more complete examination. This revealed high levels of lead and cadmium as compared with what is considered to be "normal" (see graph). The head of maintenance of IUSA, Mr. Luis Humberto Guidos, indicated that "if water is being emitted in the same state as it is after it is used, it is not being treated because only half of the plant is functioning". "Water used for washing fabric in the most organic processes is treated before it is emitted from the pipes and a quality which is greater than permissible levels is obtained in order not to contaminate", he commented. The opinion of Mr. Guidos has been contradicted by the laboratory analyses because the sample obtained that was without colorants contained a high degree of contamination.

On the other hand, the head of maintenance of the business insisted that the policy of the business is "to minimize contamination to the maximum", because they have a consciousness on the issue of environment, which motivated the millionaire investment mentioned above. Of course, with this, they "avoid" paying five thousand colones a month as other businesses do in fines for contamination. Moreover, the IUSA spokesman insisted that they are not contaminating the lake because "the water is filtered in the earth before it arrives". To this he added that, in June of this year, the treatment plant will be functioning "in 100%".

It is worthwhile mentioning that IUSA is a textile industry which uses chemical colorants for dying its cloth. Waste waters are spilled through pipes into a stream in an area called Vista al Lago in Ilopango. Water which comes out of this stream is sometimes blue, other times red and contains a lot of foam. The inhabitants of the town called Changayo near the zone, affirm that it always happens that way and in winter the contaminated water moves even into the Jutera river and then goes directly into the lake.

If wastes of the enterprise with a "treatment plan" are highly contaminated, what can be said of other industries which do not treat their waters. After using them, they flush them indiscriminately into rivers, streams or aqueducts, as in the case of the Industrias Textiles Cuscatlán, S.A. Afterwards, they flow out with the sewage. The paradoxical thing is that for the "Friends of Ilopango Lake" it is only a problem of contamination by domestic wastes; they ignore the fact that with the sewage toxic waste water from industry is also released.

Other businesses, such as Rayones de El Salvador and Speciality Products, S.A. also do not have treatment plants for industrial residues and they allow the wastes to flow into rainwater (which is evacuated together with sewage) or into the streams. Sherwin Williams, which produces paints, says that it does not release any waste because it recycles water used in order to use it again. Nevertheless, an inspection by the Specialized Unit for Water (UEDA) of ANDA, proved that there are waste waters which are flushed out from the plant.

Chemical contamination endangers people who live near the lake; this population constitutes between 5% and 10% of the country's population. It also threatens conservation of the lake: the aquatic life of species which live in it, such as the "guapote tigre", an exotic species which dominates to total fish population and fulfills the major part of the needs of fishing activities in the area. Likewise, the flora and fauna of the location loses the oxygen it needs to live. According to UCA Chemical Engineer Olga Esquivel, the water sources for the vegetables which receive water from them are contaminated and this indirectly damages the health of human beings.

Dr. Carlos Henríquez of the Social Security Surgical Hospital states that "even with small quantities [of contamination] the [human] organism is affected and consequences can be perceived [only] in the long range because it is not known if there is a problem which is accumulating and which issues in sicknesses", such as nausea, vomiting, weakness or chronic dermatitis together with red blotches and itching.

An environmental evaluation report produced by CESTA during the first trimester of 1996, describes impunity enjoyed by a series of industries and agricultural industries which do not hesitate to flush their waste products into rivers, converting them, thereby, into sewers. Although the Health Code establishes, in Article 67, that "it is prohibited to discharges residues of any kind, such as sewage, sludge and sediments, into sand, slopes, river [or] lakes unless the Ministry [of Health] issues a special permit for it". Permits are issued to industries even though they do not adequately process waters used and discharged. For the Assistant Ombudsman for Environment, Mr. Carlos Cañas, "the health code contains a regulation, but the problem is that it has not become a regulation: for now it is very general and there are no categories". And not only this: there is no state institution which monitors contamination in Lake Ilopango.

The only institution which studies environmental deterioration in the lake is the foundation "Friends of Ilopango Lake". Because of this situation, environmental bodies such as the Secretariat for the Environment (SEMA) and the Center for Appropriate Technology (CESTA) recognize the "Friends" as a source of information. According to CESTA biologist Elizabeth Gonzalez, the Center bases its reports on data which the foundation provides because it lacks funds for carrying out its own studies.

Meanwhile, the "Friends of Ilopango Lake" conduct studies in which they measure the amount of rain, evaporation, kinds of algae, but ignore the recommendations of Israeli expert Moshe Gophen that industrial contamination should be eliminated. They ignore his findings and maintain their position that it is biological contamination which affects the lake and not industrial contamination and so do not deign to respond to Mr. Gophen's warnings, even though, curiously enough, Mr. Gophen was contracted by the foundation itself to evaluate the environmental deterioration of the lake.

One important fact is that the founders of the foundation's studies are businessmen, such as the owner of Sherwin Williams, Mr. Ernesto Freund; and the President of IUSA, Mr. Juan Vidri, who, together with other executives of the enterprise, collaborate in an individual and personal manner as a founding member. Consonant with this, he must pay 1000 colones a month to keep his environmental conscience clean. ASI is also a collaborator with the foundation in diverse projects.

RESULTS OF WATER ANALYSIS OF IUSA PIPELINE SYSTEMS

A writing signed by Silvia Linares and Marisel Avalos called “Smokescreen over Ilopango Lake” was published in the edition number 813 of Proceso —the weekly news bulletin—. That same writing was published in Colatino newspaper on Friday, July 3^rd. That last publication did not include the name of the authors, something that happened by mistake. Due to a series of misunderstandings that derived from the publication of that writing, we feel obligated to clarify the following:

1.      That Silvia Linares and Marisel Avalos are the only ones who are responsible for the in-depth arguments and the conclusions derived from the writing. Therefore, none of the persons cited in the body of the text has intellectual authorship of it. 

2.      That the writing is a segment of the graduation thesis of Linares and Avalos, which corresponds to the area of Journalism, and was presented to the Department of Literature and Communications in January 1997.

3.      That, even though CIDAI is responsible for the publication in Proceso, the weekly bulletin is open to collaborations of authors who are not institutionally related to it. Those authors sign their own collaborations, and they also carry the responsibility for their opinions, with which the people who are institutionally related to Proceso do not necessarily agree.     

4.      That the “Chemistry Laboratory of UCA”, which belongs to the Department of Natural Sciences, has no responsibility whatsoever of the chemical analysis procedures cited in the writing.

San Salvador, July 22^nd., 1998

Proceso, Editorial Counsel

PRISONERS. Some 260 prisoners from the Apanteos Prison were transferred, on June 24, to various other penitentiaries throughout the country. The reasoning behind this operation is said to be an effort to avoid more outbreaks of violence in this penal center which houses 1,500 prisoners. After negotiations between 12 supposed leaders of the "Mara Salvatrucha", delegates of the Ombudsman's Office for Human Rights, members of the National Civilian Police and the leadership of the penal centers, the prisoners were transferred in busses and pick-up trucks to the penitentiaries of Sonsonate, Atiquizaya, Quezaltepeque and Santa Ana. Before being transferred, the prisoners were searched and homemade arms were confiscated. Family members of the prisoners, the majority of whom are women, not only protested against the transference but tried to obstruct the passage of the vehicles as they left the prison and in doing so came to the point of confronting the police. The President of the Republic, Mr. Armando Calderón Sol, announced that after the prison riot in Apanteos, he would program talks with Justice Ministry authorities in order to "prevent these situations in ... the country's penitentiaries". Likewise, he said he had given precise orders to divide up the prisoners among various other prisons. "There exists a complete strategy for the handling of the prisoners", the President declared (EL DIARIO DE HOY, June 25, p. 10 and LA PRENSA GRAFICA, June 25, p. 5).

REMOVAL FROM OFFICE. The PDC predicted that ARENA, PCN, PLD and independent deputies will vote in favor of the removal from office of the Supreme Electoral Tribunal Magistrate, Mr. Eduardo Colindres. The law requires that, in order to remove a functionary of secondary level from office--which is the case of Mr. Colindres--43 of 84 votes by deputies are required. The case will be presented to the Political Commission because the debate in the legislative plenary session did not yield a decision by the deputies on this case. The Legislative Assembly formed an ad hoc commission to follow up on the case involving Mr. Colindres, who was accused by a grouping headed by Mr. Ronal Umaña of being both a judge and an interested party in the internal conflict which took place in the PDC. For this reason, his removal from office is under consideration. At one point in time the TSE magistrate requested constitutional relief for the violation of his right to a hearing. The Supreme Court (CSJ) supported him in this, but some days later retracted its resolution leaving Mr. Colindres without its support. On June 25, the Political Commission will present a final report on the case, which will consist of an exposition to the deputies that the mandate of the CSJ was complied with in that it conceded "legitimate defense to Mr. Colindres" and then it will proceed to indicate the removal from office of the functionary. "Well, I hope that tomorrow we will see his removal from office.... This topic has been discussed to the finish and the court has indicated that it will not offer relief...there is nothing more to be done," stated Mr. Umaña (LA PRENSA GRAFICA, June 25, p. 12 and EL DIARIO DE HOY, June 25, p. 6).

FREEDOM. The three ex-National Guardsman condemned for the assassination of three U.S. religious women and one lay worker in 1980, were granted conditional freedom while two more will remain in prison, according to a decision by Ms. Gloria Esperanza Platero, Judge of the First Instance for Zacatecoluca. The decision to free the prisoners contemplates, among other things, good conduct and the fact that the prisoners had completed two thirds of their total sentence. The three ex-National Guardsman who were freed must comply with several conditions imposed by the same court decision so that they may maintain their status of conditional freedom. They must pay a bond of two thousand colones and appear before the aforementioned tribunal when called. Moreover, they may not leave the country, change residences or carry arms; the judicial decision requires their presence before a judge in charge of penitentiary oversight every four months until the year 2007. The Lawyers' Committee for Human Rights not only expressed their disapproval to the judge but considered that the decision is unacceptable. "Evidence is literally going out the door and the prosecutor crosses his arms", stated Mr. Robert Weiner of the Lawyers' Committee, who indicated, as well, that in site of the fact that four prisoners stated that they assassinated the U.S. women because they were following superior orders and the Attorney General's Office has made no statement that is legally binding with regard to this testimony (EL DIARIO DE HOY, June 25, pp. 2-3 and LA PRENSA GRAFICA, June 25, p. 10).