Political parties and candidates

Economy

Economic growth, poverty and the environment

Society

Child prostitution as an industry

News Briefs

POLITICAL PARTIES AND CANDIDATES

National attention has been centered on the difficulties currently being experienced by the FMLN in electing its presidential candidates using a process of internal consultation with the party’s rank and file. This exercise in democracy has turned out to be more complicated than expected and has been caught up in a problematic situation. But ARENA is also experiencing difficulties with its presidential candidate. Although that party already has a candidate--and has had for some time now—from the ranks of the Christian Democrats, a rival has sprung up who is convinced that he can capitalize upon the discontent provoked by ARENA’s candidate within the ranks of its own party.

The strains of that well-known revolutionary refrain, "the people united will never be defeated", with which the FMLN opened the second extraordinary session of its convention to elect its presidential candidates, turned out to be symbolic in the sense that the people whom the FMLN represents are not united and, in the measure that schism persists, the future of that party may turn out to be rather somber. Apart from positively evaluating that part of the session which was an exercise in democracy, its overall development, and, above all, its results left the two tendencies of the party currently engaged in an internal dispute for power unsatisfied. It is in this way that the process of electing of the FMLN’s presidential candidates is snared in that party’s internal conflict. In the measure that this issue is not resolved, its possibilities in the electoral arena will be progressively reduced.

The candidacy for the presidency of Dr. Victoria Marina de Avilés could not be proclaimed because she did not win the necessary number of votes. In fact, the number of votes won by Dr. Avilés was far below the minimum established—a minimum number which was increased inexplicably at the last minute—and, as a consequence, the election for the vice-presidential candidate in a combined formula with Dr. de Avilés did not go forward. The majority of the convention members did not support the formula proposed by Mr. Schafik Handal’s group. Given these circumstances, it would seem, then, to make a great deal of sense to insist upon the same candidates. So wide a margin of non-acceptance does not guarantee party support during the electoral campaign, and, were Drs. Avilés and Arias to come to power, their government would not only have to deal with adversaries outside the party, but also with those within.

The tendency headed by Mr. Handal did not win its objective, but did impede the possibility of leaving the escape from the labyrinth in the hands of the party’s political commission, where Mr. Handal’s tendency is not guaranteed a majority vote. By decision of the convention, departmental bodies representing the party must propose new candidates. The departmental groups calculate that a broader consultation with the rank and file would be favorable to them. At any rate, the Avilés-Arias formula, defeated now on two consecutive occasions, seems to have been left without any strong possibilities of winning.

The other tendency, led by Mr. Facundo Guardado, blocked the ratification of the only candidate formula submitted to the convention for consideration, but did not achieve a situation in which the party’s political commission which would be the body charged with identifying new candidacies. Although Dr. Héctor Silva might have continued on in the electoral race, his political position was not sustainable given the correlation of forces within the FMLN.

So now, in order for new candidacies to flourish and prosper, they will have to have been accepted beforehand by the two tendencies. Should a different state of affairs obtain, the initial phenomenon would repeat itself with similar results. This leads us to pose an explanation as to the root of this problematic labyrinth, and it is this: the problem is not caused by the personalities of the candidates, but by a state of affairs in which the two tendencies coexisting within the FMLN are engaged in a struggle for power. The convention itself is a clear exhibition of this situation. Instead of listening to political reason, the tendencies took up positions and evaluated each other’s strength, but without decisively clarifying the struggle, because each tendencies is fully equal to the other and both, therefore, coexist in a state of equilibrium. Meanwhile, the FMLN exhibited to the country its lack of capacity to achieve basic political agreement. Positions and levels of strength are already established, measured and clearly staked out; what must now be done, therefore, is to work towards constructing basic agreements which will permit the election of the best candidates, give life to the coalition and participate in the electoral race on the basis of a unity which makes victory possible.

In ARENA a similar situation obtains; but in this case, the challenge comes from the ranks of the Christian Democrats. In fact, Mr. Rodolfo Parker, the Christian Democratic Party’s candidate, presents his electoral campaign fully against ARENA and even excludes FMLN from consideration. Mr. Parker is entirely convinced of his victory. He declares that, in the second round, Mr. Flores will come to be the vice-presidential candidate while he himself will become the candidate for president. He declares himself solvent in the amount of 30 million colones and proprietary of the votes of discontented ARENA sympathizers in support of his candidacy and has even threatened the official party with some disagreeable surprises. These affirmations could possibly be tossed aside in the best of scenarios, as manifestations of naïve political voluntarism, or, at worst, as simple bragging and boasting. But let us not hurry too quickly.

ARENA could be preparing to settle its differences in the platform of the presidential elections. The candidacy of Mr. Francisco Flores is still not accepted by an important sector of the ARENA party which is linked to the ex-president, Mr. Alfredo Cristiani. The imposition of Mr. Parker as the Christian Democratic candidate is, doubtless, an audacious and intelligent move on the part of the Cristiani circle, from which Mr. Parker hails. Should this hypothesis be confirmed, one should not underestimate the political and economic weight which this grouping could provide for Mr. Parker’s candidacy. The Christian Democrats would, thereby, become simply an instrument for the implementation of a plan permitting the recuperation of power by this powerful group.

Mr. Parker is not a Christian Democrat, but is a hard-line neo-liberal. He is not even familiar with the basic principles of the social doctrine of the church—as when he confuses encyclicals and their authors; he is unaware that the church condemns neo-liberal inhumanity and injustice. Likewise, the Truth Commission found sufficient proof to indicate that he had altered judicial declarations in the cases of the massacre of San Sebastian and of the Jesuits of the UCA, covering up, in this way, for the high command of the Armed Forces. Mr. Parker and those who support him are using Christian Democracy as a means to an end. Mr. Ronal Umaña is interested only in negotiating quotas of power, and, as a result, for him, this is a unique opportunity. In the measure that Mr. Parker’s candidacy represents another version of ARENA, the unity of that party will also be tested. If they had discussed their presidential candidacies in an open way, as the FMLN did, it is not difficult to imagine the results. Parting from this premise, then, it is possible to suppose that the ARENA leadership feels more comfortable with its authoritarianism than with the "inconvenience" of democracy.

ECONOMIC GROWTH, POVERTY AND THE ENVIRONMENT

Examining the results of the different models for development being implemented in El Salvador and in almost all underdeveloped countries, it is noteworthy that the objective results of such an examination would demonstrate the existence of an apparent contradiction between economic growth, the reduction of poverty and the preservation of fundamental ecological processes. In all reality, this contradiction is only ostensible, given that there exist ways of harmonizing the economy with ecology, as is demonstrated by the recent development of the environmental economy.

The viability of economic growth is threatened by the limits which are imposed not only by the depletion of natural resources, but also by the lack of satisfaction of basic needs of the population. Calculations already exist concerning the economic implications of not caring for the environment and the quality of life of the population of El Salvador. These establish that, for 1995, between 2.8% and 4.3% of the Gross National Product was lost. The situation can be seen to worsen if one takes into consideration that, as a result of the deterioration of the environment and the growth of the vulnerable population, socio-natural disasters have also increased—especially those related to the rainy season (flooding, drought, landslides) which endanger not only economic growth, but also the very lives of the populations affected.

Historical evidence exists that the form of economic and social organization has provoked the current critical situation and that, therefore, what is required is the articulation of a strategy of growth which differs from the one currently being implemented. Depredations against the environment and the population were multiplied on the American continent during the first years of colonization because, with the change in the use of the land, which passed from a culture of respect towards the land in which it was used only for harvesting food crops, to one in which the land is conceived of as a sacrificable commodity in a strategy for obtaining products for the exportation of products (cash cropping). The first attack on the environment in El Salvador took place with the introduction of indigo which required the felling of entire forests and jungles principally in the northern zone of the country. Finally sugar cane and, especially, cotton became the last agricultural frontier.

Concomitantly with the series of large haciendas cultivating cocoa, indigo, coffee, cotton and sugar there has always existed the cultivation of foodstuffs which, in reality, was limited to corn, sorghum, beans and rice, together with farm birds and cattle in the countryside, all of which has come to define the peasant economy. This organizational model of the economy has also brought with it implications for the environment, but only as a result of the organization of agricultural and livestock production, of the concentration of property and wealth and of the proliferation of poverty and the mechanisms for adaptation to poverty itself which the majority of the population must now face.

There are vicious circles in the question of natural resources and the distribution of growth and income. In many cases, the effort of the poor to obtain better levels of income can lead to limiting their possibilities for the immediate future, as in the case of over-grazing and the practices of burning the fields after the annual harvest, for example. In this same way, the hacienda owners, in their zeal to maximize profits also stumbled on ecological limits to production, as in the case of cotton cultivation which, although a high dosage of agricultural chemicals was used, turned out not to be economically feasible.

Faced with these "traditional" models of development, there has been need to formulate a theory of "sustainable" development, based in the necessity of not considering economic growth as an end in itself. Some of the premises for sustainable development, gathered under one category, can lead to diverse attempts to define it: high consumption per capita while sustainable for an undefined period of time, implies an optimum rate for the use of natural resources, equitable distribution, environmental protection and participation of all sectors in the taking of decisions.

This premise suggests that the forms for encouraging growth practiced up to now are facing considerable limitations which are derived from the destruction of the environment, the impoverishment of the majority of the population and its subsequent marginalization from the decision-making processes. All in all, these limitations can become a major obstacle for the development, even when, during centuries they have been the basis of the prosperity for sectors comprising the minority of the population.

El Salvador is one of the limited cases which requires basic institutional reforms. The benefits of growth have been taken over by the few, while the great majority have had to confront the problems of under-employment, low salaries and poverty; at the same time, economic growth has succeeded at the cost of intensive and anti-environmental use of natural resources, which are now reflected in high levels of erosion, deforestation, water shortages and contamination of water and air.

At the present time, models of growth have provided advantages for urban activities with the resulting effect on the distribution of the population, which has passed from being largely rural to being largely urban. Consequently, the activity of the agricultural and livestock sector has become noticeably depressed, even to the point of reducing its participation in the Gross National Product. In addition the areas flanking the cities which are destined to coffee exportation are ceding terrain to the expansion of activities characteristic of the construction sector. This causes especially serious results if we consider that the agricultural and livestock sector contains the greatest percentage and number of poor people.

Faced with this dynamic, it is imperative to articulate a new strategy of growth which gives priority to the stimulation of activities friendly to the environment, but at the same time which provokes growth in income to the poorest sectors of the population. A valid criterion for the foregoing point would be to promote the technological transference and access to credit for peasant sectors.

The reduction of poverty and the turning back of environmental deterioration cannot be achieved on the basis of sectorial politics because, in reality, these are problems linked with political economy and, given this, must be dealt with on the basis of integral strategies for development.

CHILD PROSTITUTION AS AN INDUSTRY

Child prostitution is nothing new in Latin American countries. Although this is a problem more of developed countries than of underdeveloped countries, trafficking in sex for minors is growing at an accelerated rate in Latin America. Brazil, for example, with 500,000 child prostitutes is not the only country in Latin America with the highest rates of "child sex tourism", but is actually second on the world list, after Thailand. There are also to be found a significant number of boy and girl prostitutes in the cities of Venezuela, Colombia, Mexico, Argentina and the Central American countries.

This is a situation known to the public at least since 1990, and each ear it is more and more evident. Various studies by the United Nations Fund for Children (UNICEF) have revealed that in Central America there exist key points where the sale of sexual services by children are carried out. This is the case of the border zone between Mexico and Guatemala. This is owning to the fact that a great number of Central American children travel illegally and are easy victims for adults who induce them to prostitute themselves.

Likewise, it is known that sexual trafficking in minors takes place in "strategic" areas, such a tourist centers, port cities, parks, hotels and—most commonly—in brothels and on the streets. In Honduras, recently, a clandestine house was discovered which was known as "the kindergarten" where this activity is practice and, in various opinions, it is not the first nor the last which will be found. One of the studies explained that retired persons, U.S. expatriates, Germans and citizens of other countries, come to Latin America to make use of the sexual services of children. The situation is that, if there are those who demand the services and use girl and boy prostitutes, there will be those who what to enrich themselves at the cost of these small innocent people who have neither the capacity nor the power to decide what happens in their lives and cannot defend themselves against their aggressors.

The phenomenon of child prostitution functions under the structure of organized crime. Those who think that it is a crime committed only by some isolated individuals are mistaken, because there are networks for trafficking in minors almost always in the low-income neighborhoods or rural areas of different countries. These steal or "convince" their victims, whose ages generally are between 12 and 14 years of age, although there are those who are younger. Their modus operandi can be: to steal minors, take them out of their country—it is easier for those involved in this business if they are outside their country—and attack them physically and psychologically to the point that they, having no options whatever, enter into the trade. Another form of convincing boys and girls is to tell them that they will have money and friends. Even some adolescents are seduced by pimps who offer them protection so that they can run away from home.

In general these sexual exploiters choose a specific sector of children made up of abandoned children or children of the streets who work and need an environment in which to survive, children from broken homes… In July of 1997, UNICEF calculated that in the world there are 100 million children living in the streets; 4,000 of these are in Latin America and, obviously, they are in danger of being induced to prostitute themselves. Likewise, it is estimated that approximately 10 million boys and girls are habitually involved in sex for money. "Each year, at least one million boys and girls—principally girls, are involved in prostitution," according to the UNICEF diagnosis.

A child which has fallen into this network never—or almost never—is able to leave it. Children are threatened, beaten and tortured if they try to escape; in fact, it is known that many children have been killed for this reason. In many cases they are permanently drugged to create a relationship of dependency on their exploiters. If it is the goal of the pimps who exploit minor to obtain money and act inhumanly for this, what is the reason for the existence of people who solicit the services of these children and rape them and use them? Without doubt, they are somewhat psychological and morally abnormal. Pedophiles are men with a desire to exercise sexual force over boys and girls. Sexual relationships between an adult and a minor respond, frequently, to the need to dominate and feel stronger than their victim.

The prostitution of minors has different roots. Family disintegration and sexual rape, almost always from close family members of the boys and girls. Nevertheless, there are other reasons which are equally dangerous. There is poverty—though it is important to mention that all poor people do not prostitute themselves, and so this is not a principal factor); the condition of dependency of the female sex leads to considering girls as of lesser importance; AIDS is another reason because there exists the idea that sexual relationships with boys and girls are safer; immigration is yet another cause, because minors are more defenseless in this situation; and the growing demand for services, finally, creates growing profits.

The effects of child prostitution fall directly upon the very victims themselves. There are consequences such as drug addiction, premature and undesired pregnancies, sexually transmitted diseases, including AIDS, problems in physical and mental development of the boy or girl. And so there will be future consequences no less serious that those mentioned above. A vicious cycle comes to bear on those who are currently exploited and they will then become the next generation of exploiters. The majority are men and women who do not enjoy a normal family life, normal sex and love. On the other hand, to destroy or damage the body of a young girl can generate future problems of infertility, complications during pregnancies, uterine cancer, etc.

This problem can be examined from various different perspectives. There are those who can crudely accept that chi8ld sex trafficking is an unavoidable reality and there’s an end on it. Others can condemn and blame everyone and say that it is a problem which is part of the question of evil in the world. It is also possible to adopt a legal point of view and declare that what is being dealt with is a prohibited activity and it is, therefore, an illegal activity. The position taken with regard to this problem depends on the individual. What cannot be denied is that, from whatever perspective, boys and girls are prepared to confront a sexual situation which involves physical and mental violence.

There are innocent lives suffering in all parts of the world for many different reasons, but the lives of these small ones are being destroyed without pity. In El Salvador, penal legislation classifies this as a crime. Articles 167, 168, 169 and 173 of the Penal Code protect minors under 18 years of age from diverse sexual acts, from the corruption of minors, from illicit persuasion, promotion and favoring of prostitution. This is an advantage, taking into account that there are countries in which such legislation for the protection of minors does not exist. Nevertheless, the life of a child is invaluable and a prison term of 2-8 years (which is what this legislation stipulates for those who sexually assault minors) cannot undo the damage which sexual abuse presupposes.

 BUDGET. On August 26, the Ministry of the Treasury approved an expenditure of 80 million colones for expenses to be incurred during the upcoming presidential elections. This budgetary allotment, requested by the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE), includes financing for a possible second electoral round. The total balance will be distributed in the following manner: 31.3 million colones in salaries, 46.7 million for payment of "goods and services" and 1,986,440.00 colones will be invested in equipment. According to the document now in the hands of the Treasury Commission, the investment will cover costs of organization and development, the appointment of departmental and municipal teams and the rest of the organisms to be involved in the electoral process. Likewise, the amount approved covers information which the TSE will distribute through the media concerning the objectives and procedures to follow during the elections. The TSE had requested a budget of 89, 349,883.00 colones, which Treasury reduced to 80 million so that the deputies could approve the allotment as a legislative decree. According to the Ministry, this amount is sufficient to implement an electoral process, including a second round; but if this eventuality does not present itself, the balance must be reimbursed to the National Budget (LA PRENSA GRAFICA, August 27, p. 5).

ARENA. The National Executive Council of ARENA (COENA, for its initials in Spanish), decided, on August 26, to hold a General Assembly of the party on 27 September in which the objective is to define, officially, that party’s presidential formula for the upcoming elections. The Vice-President of the Organization, Ms. Carmen Elena Calderón, stated that, for the moment, the agenda is being worked out and the presidential formula will be completed during a meeting of two days duration which is programmed to take place within a week. In the same manner, this meeting aims to define the amount that will be invested in the electoral campaign and will choose, as well, the vice-presidential candidate. With regard to this, ARENA has not confirmed yet if the person will be a man or a woman. For this reason, a national polling will be held in which the party’s rank and file will be consulted so that the profile of the person who will complement Mr. Francisco Flores, the party’s presidential candidate, in making up the formula. On the other hand, possible reforms to the statutes will be analyzed with regard to a proposal to increase the number of members of the COENA from 13 to 15. With regard to the economic problem, according to the vice-president of the organization, resources must be measured, although they are in favor of an event which would demonstrate that "the road to victory in March is open". With the aim of collecting the money to finance the electoral campaign, ARENA issued bonds of 10 and 100 colones each to be sold among party members (LA PRENSA GRAFICA, August 27, p. 6).

FMLN. The National Council of the FMLN decided, on August 27, to propose to the National Convention that if Drs Victoria de Avilés and Salvador Arias do not obtain the majority of votes in the second electoral round, new candidates would be chosen. This measure was upheld by 33 of the 52 members of the Council. Accordingly, Deputy Violeta Menjivar expressed the opinion that the opportunity to propose Dr Héctor Dada Hirezi as one of the candidates should be taken advantage of. Mr. Shafik Handal, on the other hand, maintained his position in favor of seeking the ratification of the Avilés-Arias formula. On August 29 the Convention was held in which a presidential formula was to be elected; the convention, however, ended in disaster. Dr. Avilés won 432 votes of the 518 votes necessary for her election, 18 less than those won in the first round 15 days ago. As a result, the FMLN has a month to reconstruct a new slate of candidates. Avilés and Arias can compete in the round against already known figures such as Drs. Héctor Dada and Héctor Silva. Likewise, the National Convention of the FMLN approved a series of reforms to the Voting Regulations for choosing candidates for the presidency and vice-presidency. The first regulation does not require 518 votes in order to win the elections; this regulation not with standing, the new requirement will be valid in the new efforts at election which will take place within a month (LA PRENSA GRAFICA, August 30, p. 4).