Proceso 903
May 24, 2000
ISNN 0259–9864
 
 
 

INDEX

Editorial Social-political participation
Politics Where is the country going?
Economy The problem of public transport
Society The work stoppage in public transport
 
 
 

EDITORIAL

    An overall glance at the historical process of Salvadoran society during the last three decades reveals that one of the most notable characteristics of the 1990’s is the low organizational level of civil society, above all if one compares it with the decade of the 1970’s when an intense process of organization and popular participation took place. During that decade such organizations as the Christian Federation of Salvadoran Peasants (FECCAS) and the Farmworkers’ Union (UTC) —which later came to include in the Federation of Farmworkers (FTC)— the Popular Revolutionary Block (BPR), the Unified Popular Action Front (FAPU), the February 28 Popular Leagues (LP-28) and the Popular Liberation Movement (MLP). Taken together as a group, these mass fronts came to include in their ranks approximately some 150,000 persons willing to participate in street demonstrations, protests, strikes, labor stoppages and the occupation of public buildings and rural properties.

    The recent history of the country has not known a more intense period of massive social participation than that of the 1970’s. At the beginning of the 1980’s, state repression of popular organizations intensified. Assassinations, torture, disappearances and systematic persecution were the order of the day. When the civil war broke out with the “General Offensive” of January, 1981, the mass fronts began a process of disbanding which led to their extinction. Those who were not assassinated or disappeared fled the country for Honduras, Mexico, United States, Canada and Australia. Others, those who stayed in the country, joined the FMLN as combatants or as a social base of support.

    During the first phase of the civil war —1981-1983— social movements and the organization of civil society were snuffed out. The fear of state repression was the principal impediment for them. At mid-decade, two organizations flourished which pointed to a resurgence of the social movement: the National Union of Salvadoran Workers (UNTS) and the National Worker-Peasant Movements (UNOC). The social and political polarization, however, was such that both organizations ended up spreading themselves —with the subsequent loss of autonomy— into two bands which were at odds with each other: the FMLN, influenced by the FMLN and the UNOC which sided with the Christian Democratic government. Likewise, since the middle of the decade of the 1980’s, non-governmental organizations began to proliferate and these could not extract themselves from the climate of political and military polarization which was the prevailing ambience of the times. With this, their autonomy was seriously compromised and their objectives were very often muddied over by the prevailing political-military interests.

    In this way, the situation of the social movements in the current period cannot be understood without understanding the background of what happened during the two preceding decades. During the decade of the 1990’s, there have been few voluntary associations or citizen groupings. Among the first, a large majority of those which existed —those dedicated to rescue efforts, cultural affairs, the struggle against drugs, sports, etc.— exhibit a clear affinity with the government. Among the second kinds of groups, the majority of which are made up of community directives or school associations, for example, or have an ephemeral life which is purely decorative. Meanwhile, during the present decade, the social movements which have been formed have not succeeded in consolidating themselves; nor did they have any lasting power or surpass merely broad social struggles. A good example of this are the protests of the demobilized veterans of the Armed Forces or the strike movement headed by the doctors of the public health system.

    On the other hand, the levels of participation in public activities are very low. Perhaps religious activities are the only activities which have the power to bring the citizenry together—although not all religious activities can mobilize an equal number of citizens. So it is that in the decade of the 1990’s two religious celebrations have taken shape which involve a significant number of Salvadorans in public activities: the celebrations surrounding the anniversary of the assassination of Monsignor Oscar Romero (March 24) and the celebrations of the anniversary of the assassination of the Jesuits of the UCA (16 November). And then, another focus of public participation, also with a religious motivation are the feast-days of the saints and the patron saints of neighborhoods and municipalities. And in third place are sports activities —community tournaments, intramural tournaments between neighborhoods— , which are attended by fewer and fewer urban inhabitants of the country.

    Other forms of participation in public activities which are not religious or sports activities are somewhat sporadic and even exceptional in character. A good example of this are the neighborhood meetings in urban areas. in general, these meetings take place in response to specific neighborhood problems involving security, trash-collections, lighting on public streets, which, once resolved, imply that the group does not meet again.

    The foregoing has to do with a tendency which has come to characterize the dynamic of the social behavior of the present decade: the tendency towards the privatization of family and personal activities. This has, as its counterpart, not only a “retirement” from public activities such as collective commitments, community tasks, community challenges, but also a privatization of family and personal activities which customarily have a strong social meaning such as, for example, birthday parties, year-end celebrations, neighborhood barbecues, etc. Criminal violence —which obliges one to close oneself up within the walls of the home— technology —which makes that withdrawal somewhat agreeable— and discontent with politics and politicians —which dissuade people from their civic commitments— reinforce the tendency towards the privatization of social practices, which is to say, the refusal of the citizenry to participate in public activities. And without that participation, the national social and political activities will continue to be in the hands of the political class whose democratic credentials leave much to be desired. The big question is how to make the Salvadoran people understand that organization and participation in civic affairs are crucial not only to face the threat of the reversion to authoritarianism, but also to make possible the advance of the process of democratization.

POLITICS

    The current period in El Salvador is characterized by a growing concern among Salvadorans about the increase in the prices of the basic food basket, the frailty of security in the communities —understood as the problem of the munitions dumps, common crime, organized crime, kidnappings, strikes and repeated work stoppages— the environmental decay and the precariousness of the conditions of life. Society, in good measure, hopes for a response to those problems from those in political power. For this reason, the constant complaints, denunciations and calling to account of politicians to become imbued with national reality and act —governing or legislating— according to the search for solutions to the ills affecting the society.

    The seriousness of the problems is recognized in public political discourse. Working for the country is spoken of, as well as guaranteeing judicial and social security, protecting institutions, defending the governability of the country and consensus-building on national topics. In practice, however, the political class drowns itself in demagogic rhetoric, defending their turf and party interests, which makes one doubt their political maturity and their real willingness to advance in favor of the consolidation of the process of democratization.

    Recent national events reveal a notorious contradiction between words (discourse) and the concrete actions of the politicians. In the Legislative Assembly, on the one hand, consensus-building is spoken of, while, at the same time, measures and decisions are imposed which are clearly not the result of consultation and which are supported by a legislative majority achieved on the basis of murky negotiations. The president speaks of going out to meet with the national sectors, but looks down his nose at the clamor of the majority —be they small businessmen, workers who have been fired or laid off, etc.— evidencing their clear partiality in favor of specific sectors linked to big capital. The big businessmen listen to them, negotiate with them and provide follow-up for their demands. The National Civilian Police pretend to fight crime, but have no serious plan to investigate crime and clean up criminals within the ranks of the police. They prefer to spend the taxpayers resources which are assigned to the police force, in publicity and propaganda. Definitively speaking, there is a disparity between words and actions. In this situation, uncertainty increases, disenchantment grows among the citizenry and the state institutions fall into disrepute.

    Several Latin American countries are experiencing violence, citizen insecurity and a deterioration in the quality of life of the citizens, just as is the case in El Salvador. This is the case of Paraguay, Venezuela and Peru to cite just a few examples. These countries have been or are at the edge of social and political chaos. Some of them have seen attempts to abandon the legal and democratic means for resolving the problems of their societies. In others, ostensible “messiahs” appear who say they are ready to “save” society from the claws of politicians and parties, but at the same time they send for clear signs of authoritarianism and arrogance. These situations may be the corollaries of an institutional weakness, a lack of willingness and an incapacity to take up concrete problems of the countries. Given this panorama in Latin America, El Salvador must ask the unavoidable question: where is the country going?

    The attitude of the right-wing towards this state of affairs considers that an “electoral defeat” during the last elections ought to be seen as a red light. The convulsions and sentiments of having been back-handed by the left-wing and the subsequent maneuvers to control the Legislative Assembly ought to invite us to reflect —without taking into account those who are the so-called “enemies of progress”. It is true that immediately after learning of the results of the elections, voices have been heard which call for a change in the government party, which is a not unusual reaction in a democratic system where political parties compete for popular support.

    Nevertheless, the contradiction with the need for change and the arrogant political attitude of closing off all openings to the adversary do not bode well for the benefits of alternating power, an absolute requirement for empowering democracy. For this reason, given this scenario, the legitimate concern regarding the capacity of ARENA to assume and accept, without overwrought drama, a possible popular verdict at the polls which would decree its being replaced in the executive office by the FMLN in case the reforms announced in that right-wing party are unconvincing to the electorate.

    On the other hand, the discourse of the “independents” ought to be heard with great caution given the lack of prestige in which these political parties are submerged as they call for the political “neutrals” to come to the fore. The independents are presented as messiahs to save politics in El Salvador. Likewise, those who engage in this discourse question the hegemony of the parties and defend the figure of the independent businessman. But what is not called into question are the real motives of the “independent neutral” for taking up the reins of power. Mistakenly, they begin to argue from the premise that their lack of linkage with political parties is a necessary and sufficient condition for guaranteeing their situation of being honorable, competent and capable of bringing the ethical dimension to politics. Given this blind discourse in favor of the “independents” and the current problems involving the deterioration of the institutions and parties and the denunciation of the lack of representativity among the politicians, one must ask oneself if El Salvador is preparing the way for a messianic leader of the Hugo Chávez or Alberto Fujimori type.

    Another worrisome situation at the moment of asking oneself about what road the country is taking, is the low level of citizen participation. The levels of electoral abstentionism are increasing. What is even more serious is the breaking up of the unions and the almost zero consciousness of the need for social organization to demand that the politicians comply with their campaign promises. Citizen participation is reduced to anti-crime demonstrations and the wearing of red or yellow ribbons, according to the case in point. And there is a tendency to look down one’s nose at organized social demands, which, when there are any, are channeled through the few trade unions which have any effective presence in the country. Every public demonstration against the government or to pressure the politicians is censured “because it damages the image of the country and drives foreign investment away”. In this state of affairs, all efforts at social demands addressed to politicians are depreciated. So, then, where are the solutions to the current problems coming from?

    Meanwhile the leadership activities involving the army in security activities are on the increase and a new armed group has been formed which says it will “fight against neoliberalism and its mercenary agents”, as a note found the other read together with a deactivated bomb found by the anti-bomb experts of the National Civilian Police in the Ministry of Labor offices. It remains to be seen whether this is a smokescreen —as some say— or if there is really a resurgence of armed activities characteristic of the conflict which ended in 1992. However this may be, it is clear that Salvadoran society ought to be vigilant to stop any effort to return to these practices. For these reasons, peaceful civilian political participation must be encouraged. The call for consensus building, the empowerment of institutions and governability must be taken seriously. It seems as if the activities of today, more than ever, can contribute toward focussing on a future based on the respect for laws, tolerance and social justice. But this will not happen if inertia rules the day. It must happen through social commitment with the construction of a democratic order. Should the contrary case rule the day, the door will be opened to the possibility of reverting to authoritarianism.

ECONOMY

    In El Salvador, the problem of the transportation sector has unleashed protests, at different points in time, by the owners of the public transport buses which have, in this way, become a source of social instability. Fundamentally, the problem becomes more serious when economic exigencies burst forth in a systematic way, at the impulse of the associations of owners of public transport units. Last Monday, May 22, one of these associations called a transport stoppage in the Greater San Salvador Metropolitan Area, provoking not only a suspension of transport service but also the obstruction of the strategic streets and arteries together with the paralysis and gridlock of private vehicle traffic.

    As on past occasions, the motivations of protests and street disorders caused by the busdrivers are principally for economic in nature: they are calling for a review of tariffs, the creation of special lines of credit and, in general, demand greater governmental protection. Traditionally the government administrations have confronted this problem through the use of isolated measures such as an increase in the subsidy for diesel used by public transport units and the creation of "preferential" rates —which are, finally, only a pretext for increasing the price of the busfare. These measures have not altered the characteristic structures of the public transport sector: subsidies for the consumption of gasoline and other fuels, control of busfares, poor service to the passengers —including a high accident rate—, high levels of profit and deficiencies in the planning and functions as well as development of the transportation sector.

    Apparently, the current conflict erupted with the announcement by the Vice-Minister for Transportation on the question of the transference of the inter-departmental bus depots outside the city area and the withdrawal of the buses from downtown San Salvador. Nevertheless, this situation has been the occasion, as well, for the bus owners to present more fundamental demands such as a program for credits and preferential rates and treatment in the prices for the purchase of parts and fuels. Finally, the problem has economic implications which should be reviewed with relation to the diesel subsidies for the transportation units and the necessities for reforming the system.

    The “transportation, warehousing and communications” sector presents an average contribution to the GNP of 7.5% and, together with communications, represents 2.53% of the total basic food basket as part of the Consumer Price Index. Although the transport sector’s participation in the GNP and the Consumer Price Index appears to be insignificant, what is certain is that there are close to 500,000 transportation users in the Greater San Salvador area who must use public transportation to get where they are going.

    In fact, the government administrations have thought about imposing a busfare regulation policy and price subsidies for diesel for public transportation so that the busfare for the public users is maintained at a relatively low rate. The government intervenes in price fixing to assure limits for public transportation which ought to be respected by the bus owners in exchange for allowing them a subsidy for prices of fuel for their transportation units. So it is that all consumers must pay two colones for each gallon of gasoline (close to 10% of the total price) as a contribution to a fund with which subsidies are financed for the public transportation sector.

    Given this, the preferential treatment is not sufficient for many transportation line owners who now also demand the creation of a preferential line of credit similar to what was recently offered to the coffee-growing sector for the agricultural and livestock program of the government (see PROCESO 901). They additionally solicit the maintenance of the irrational and congested buslines which make the downtown and peripheral areas of the city a permanent traffic chaos.

    The problem which Salvadoran public transportation presents is part of the most basic urban problems of all big cities. Mexico City, considered one of the most populous cities of the world, has mitigated the public transportation problem with the construction of a subterranean train or metro and the state or semi-state administration of bus service. In practice, Mexico City bus service has allowed for destabilizing elements which generate profits for the sector while allowing for benefits for bus passengers in the measure that the use of resources is optimized and service to passengers is improved for this city of more than 20 million inhabitants.

    Although it is not a question of proposing the nationalization of public transportation or constructing a metro system for the Greater San Salvador Metropolitan Area, it is important to take into account that measures for the improvement of service to passengers —and this is the raison d’être of this economic sector— have not been set in place. On the contrary, on repeated occasions, transportation owners substitute their own needs for the needs of public transport passengers’ needs —as if their own necessities were the true raisons d’être for the public transportation system.

    It should be remembered that public transportation seeks to facilitate the movement of passengers to their productive, social and recreational activities, to optimize the use of human and material resources, and facilitate economic activity thereby. In El Salvador, the stoppage in public transportation and the consequent obstruction of streets by associations of busdrivers have provoked, on various occasions, the opposite effects, to wit: suspension of service to passengers, wasteful use of resources, obstruction of productive activity and even substantial increases in the emission of contaminants and gases into the atmosphere.

    Given this reality, the adoption of measures is imposed in such a way as to change the principal aspects which would impede adequate service to passengers: poor maintenance of transportation units, low level of training for busdrivers —who, on overly frequent occasions have ended up in lamentable traffic accidents—, poor planning of urban routes and a lack of adjustment among the rates and busfares charged which the transportation units wish to charge. So it is, then, that the economic backdrop of the transportation problem would demand the adoption of measures which comprehend two different extremes: an increase in rates even at the cost of greater inflation rates and social discontent or an increase in subsidies to the sector, accepting the rest of the benefits demanded recently by the striking transportation workers.

    Although the Vice-Minister of Transportation and the transportation line owners’ associations have created joint lobbying activities to implement a transportation policy which fully deals with the problems, it seems that, in practice, serious differences of focus on what ought to be adopted persist. Reality testing on these issues shows that the sector requires an important regulation by the state —owing to its strategic character— as well as a reordering of the situation which at any moment could strongly affect economic interests which have been created around the transportation industry.

    Without going to extremes, the state ought to define once and for all the measures which will eliminate the chronic problematic nature of the public transportation sector although such measures could imply a greater participation of the state in the offering of this service —through an increase in subsidies, for example—, a hardening of the requirements demanded by the transportation sector or a combination of both. What should be avoided is the inveterate practice of the policies for taking decisions with short-range visions, which do not provide real solutions to the problems which they aim to deal with.

SOCIETY

    Once again, San Salvador was victim of the arrogance which characterizes the owners of public transportation. Motivated by what they call “the problem” which the sector is suffering, seven bus, microbus, taxi and heavy transportation vehicle guilds decided to call a labor stoppage and, with it, the lack of transportation for thousands of capital city dwellers with a labor stoppage in transport. The collective transportation units blocked such important streets as the Boulevard del Ejército, Bernal Street, the Alameda Juan Pablo II and the extension of Boulevard Tutunichapa. In the early morning hours of Monday it was enough to turn San Salvador into a scheme of disorder and desperation. Doubtless, with this action, the owners of public transportation added another point to their total in making the life of the citizens who use public transportation a risk of all kinds from which they might extricate themselves only with difficulty.

    This is not the first time that this peculiar sector of national life has arrogated to itself the task of promoting actions of this kind. Since the end of the armed conflict, many of the transportation owners who suffered harassment and pressure from armed groups have taken upon themselves the right to require patience and comprehension from all hands. The service which they offer —which is ridiculous and heavy-handed given the state of the buses, but also on the score of the fast and loose treatment they give to the passengers— is beyond all possibility of being modernized and, given that the conditions for this to happen are not the most favorable, the state ought to adopt this sector as one would a prodigal son. The protection which is owing to the transportation owners is given the name of subsidy, or, for the payment for each gallon of fuel an obligatory payment would have to be added, the objective of which would be to reduce the expenses of the transportation workers and avoid excessive increases in busfares.

    Since that time, these owners have become one of the most onerous burdens of the government administrations which followed after the armed conflict. Without even a tiny modicum of power to call people together —not to mention that it would be better not even to guess at their intentions— have succeeded in bending to their will everyone who crosses their path. State power has had to bow its head before their arguments —arguments the majority of which are lack in any basic logic. Justice has closed her eyes and also her mouth when the “buslords” denounce the harassment they suffered. The authorities charged with regulating their actions live on the hope of approval or disapproval forthcoming from these lords of arrogance and impunity. In summary, their maneuvers and sleights of hand cost the state not only a deterioration in the quality of life of many Salvadorans —on occasions, it also costs them their lives— but it also costs them their credibility and respect, which evaporates every time they must deal with the demands of this sector.

    The conflicts generated around the structure which is in place in national public transportation constitute a typical case of double responsibility. On the one hand, the whole country has to deal with some owners who, given the cannibalism which also characterizes them, have never been capable of assuming they are, at the same time, victim and cause of the problem which affects them. The disorder in the functioning of the public transportation lines, the poor use of the resources which the state provides them with (the besieged diesel for their vehicles), the denunciations which hang over their heads... All of this is the result of the lack of interest and capacity on the part of the transportation owners for drawing up even minimal plans which would permit them to organize and take maximum advantage of their activities and benefits.

    On the other hand, the different government administrations which have had to deal with this sector’s attacks have not had dealt with sufficient firmness to deal with their own problems —which are evident— nor have they been able to avoid a situation which the transportation guilds could manipulate, according to their whims of the moment, the mechanisms created to control their activities. The most recent attempt to put forth a solution to this problem is a National Forum on Transportation held in October of last year which was so lack in effectiveness that one was led to doubt the reasons for holding it. First of all because any Salvadoran with basic common sense is capable of identifying with some precision the dimensions and consequences of the deteriorated structure of national public transportation. Why should time and money be wasted on the discussion of a problem which shouts to the four winds its name and all of its characteristics?

    In second place, because all pretension towards consensus-building which the government might want to attribute to the calling together of the forum could only fall into the catchall of hypocrisy and bald-faced lies. To invite the public transport associations to participate in a national dialogue was to give them the opportunity to get directly involved in the policies to regulate their own sector, to hold back the application of any measure which might oblige them to respond to the abuses which are commented upon every day and to reproduce the failed institutional mechanisms of support upon which they are currently perched. The public activity of the transportation workers has shown, on more than one occasion, their lack of willingness to renounce the benefits which they can gain by manipulating the government. Now, at six months since the forum took place, the authorities haven’t done their part to put in order once and for all the whole situation of public transportation. Nor have the transport owners begun to work for better service and a better use of their profits. Finally, the forum served not even to clean off the table and begin to walk down a new path to search for solutions to this complex of problems.

    In this sense, the government has taken a central and determinant place in the sharpening and deepening of the problems of national transportation. Patience with the complaints of the transportation workers cannot but constitute another reason for concern. When a minimum of firmness might have been hoped for when this kind of protest occurs —twisted, as it is, by the most deeply-rooted sectarianism—, the state has recourse to the most naive expressions to call for understanding, respect and dialogue. It is, doubtless, odd that it reacts in this way as it faces a sector which enjoys the most resolute popular repudiation and the organization which is the almost exclusive result of its permanent state of rebellion and its time-honored pretension to unquestionable impunity. But very much to the contrary, when dealing with other, more organized, sectors with a greater capacity for presenting proposals —such as is the case with the medical guild— the government administration attitude has been the exact opposite: rejection, closed-mindedness and, on not a few occasions, violence has provided the guideline for government attitudes, without any great impediment intervening.

    The public transportation guilds which participated in the work stoppage last Monday were fully aware that they were harming the populace which needs its service. The transport associations published, on the back pages of the national dailies, an explanation of their motives in calling the stoppage as if to create a stopgap for the criticisms which came at them from all sides. But beyond the supposed symbolism which surrounds their excuses it is clear that their intention is to demand the condescension of the whole populace and of the state. Nevertheless, in the conditions obtaining in the country at the present time, no sector of the national productive life can arrogate unto itself the right to be treated with special consideration when dealing with everyone else. And much less one who places a goodly part of the economically active population of the country at risk day and night and causes, as well, so many problems for the state in terms of expense, policies and materials. A real and justified resistance from the authorities related to the problems is lacking given the pressures applied by a sector which does not rule out extortion —although thinly veiled in its demands— to demand the support which it does not deserve.